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COURTS AND CAMPS OF 
THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 



OTHER WORKS BY CHRISTOPHER HARE 



10s. 6d. each. 
Profusely Illustrated. Demy 8vo., cloth extra. Gilt tops. 



THE LIFE OF LOUIS XI 

THE REBEL DAUPHIN AND THE STATESMAN KING 

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interesting and realistic ■^xauxe,."— Westminster Gazette. 

" There is hardly a more romantic period in history than that covered by 
this \,a(ig.," Spectator. 

THE HIGH AND PUISSANT 
PRINCESS MARGUERITE OF AUSTRIA 

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interesting and attractive." — Daily Teleg7-aj>h. 

"The living image of a lady who figured in the_ far away time of 
Maximilian — a panorama of events ranging from the Diet of Worms to the 
Field of the Cloth of Qq\A."— Daily Chronicle. 

A QUEEN OF QUEENS 
AND THE MAKING OF SPAIN 

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gradual recovery of power and territory by the Christians and the rise of 
the Christian Kingdoms, Castile and Aragon, after much fighting, confusion 
and many romantic episodes, including the immortal story of the Cid. The 
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THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS LADIES OF 
THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

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UiyU^c^^r.^d^^'CiA.^ ~^€^^^'^l^^^cc^Tt^^^ 



COURTS ^ CAMPS OF THE 
ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

BEING A MIRROR OF THE LIFE AND 
TIMES OF THE IDEAL GENTLEMAN 
COUNT BALDASSARE CASTIGLIONE 
DERIVED LARGELY FROM HIS OWN 
LETTERS AND OTHER CONTEMPORARY 
SOURCES, TO WHICH IS ADDED AN 
EPITOME OF HIS FAMOUS WORK 
"THE BOOK OF THE COURTIER" 
WITH APPRECIATIONS & ANNOTATIONS 

By CHRISTOPHER HARE author of 

"marguerite of AUSTRIA," " LOUIS XI," "a QUEEN OF 
QUEENS," ETC. 




ILLUSTRATED 



NEW YORK 

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 

153-157 FIFTH AVENUE 

1908 



vs 



o^' 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

Introduction xi 

Introductory Letter of the Historian, Signor A. Luzio . xiv 

I. 1478- 1494. Baldassare Castiglione. His Birth and 
Lineage. His early Home. ' Education in the days of 
the Renaissance. The Gonzaga Family. Francesco 
Gonzaga becomes Marchese of Mantua. Chiara Gon- 
zaga marries Gilbert de Montpensier. Elisabetta Gon- 
zaga marries Guidobaldo, Duke of Urbino. The 
coming of Isabella d'Este to Mantua. Story of the 
New World. Castiglione goes to study at Milan . I 

II. 1 494-1 503. The Court of Milan in the Reign of 
LODOVico Sforza. Invasion of Italy by Charles 
VIII. Battle of Fornovo. Death of Count Cristoforo 
Castiglione. Charles VIII succeeded by Louis XII. 
Fall of Lodovico Sforza. Csesare Borgia takes Urbino 
from Duke Guidobaldo 20 

III. 1503-1506. Death of Pope Alexander VI. Duke Guido- 

baldo regains Urbino. Castiglione leaves the service 
of Francesco, Marchese of Mantua, to take arms under 
Guidobaldo of Urbino. Gonfaloniere of the Church. 
Life in camp. Letters of Baldassare Castiglione to his 
mother. At the Court of Urbino. A mission to Rome 39 

IV. 1 504-1 508. Baldassare Castiglione at the Court of Ur- 

bino, the " Home of Mirth and Joy.^' A galaxy of 
talent. The origin of the Cortegiano. Castiglione's 
mission to England to receive the "Order of the 
Garter" for Duke Guidobaldo. Embassy to Louis XII 
at Milan. Illness and death of Guidobaldo, Duke of 
Urbino. Grief of the Duchess Elisabetta. Francesco 
Maria della Rovere succeeds to the Duchy ... 58 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGB 

V. 1 508-15 1 1. Francesco Maria della Rovere, Duke of Ur- 
bino. His betrothal to Leonora Gonzaga. Various 
marriage proposals for Count Baldassare Castiglione. 
League of Cambray. Castiglione fights under the 
Duke of Urbino. Sends news from the seat of war to 
his mother. His armour, tents, etc. Venice defeated 
at the battle of Agnadello. Francesco of Mantua 
taken prisoner to Venice. Marriage of Francesco 
Maria to Leonora Gonzaga. Pope JuHus II makes 
peace with Venice. 15 10, a year of battles. Cas- 
tiglione's letters from the camp 71 

VI. 1511-1516. Pope Julius proclaims a "Holy League" 
against France. Baldassare Castiglione fights under 
the Duke of Urbino in the Papal army, which is 
victorious. The Count is promised the Castle of 
Nuvillaria. Death of Julius II. Election of Leo X. 
Castiglione Ambassador in Rome. His friendship with 
Raphael, etc. Cultured Court of the Vatican. Platon- 
ism ot the Renaissance. Death of Giuliano dei 
Medici. Leo X seizes Urbino. Flight of Francesco 
Maria 90 

VII. 1516-1521. Marriage of Count Baldassare Castiglione. 
The Emperor Maximilian succeeded by Charles V. 
Death of Francesco, Marchese of Mantua. Castigli- 
one in Rome. A Latin Ode. Portrait of the Count 
by Raphael. Death of Ippolita Castiglione, wife of 
the Count. Death of Leo X. Francesco Maria, 
Duke of Urbino, at once recovers his estates . .112 

VIII. 1 521-1523. Election of Pope Adrian VI. Baldassare 
Castiglione in Rome as Ambassador from Federico, 
Marchese of Mantua. Adrian's long delay. Castigli- 
one's letters. Intrigues in Italy. Francesco Sforza 
becomes Duke of Milan. Retreat of the French. 
Destruction of Genoa. The plague in Rome. Federico, 
Captain-General of the Church. Castiglione returns 
to Mantua. His art collections. He attends Isabella 
d'Este to Padua and Venice. Death of Pope Adrian VI 131 



CONTENTS 

lAPTER PACK 

IX. 1 523-1 525. Cardinal dei Medici becomes Pope Clement 
VII. Count Castiglione sent to Rome. Received 
with great honour by the new Pope. Castiglione 
appointed Nuncio and Collector at the Court of Spain. 
Battle of Pavia. Francis I taken prisoner to Spain. 
Many intrigues. Letters of Castiglione. He is in great 
esteem and friendship with Charles V. Concerning 
Charles de Bourbon, Due de Montpensier. Death of 
Elisabetta Gonzaga, Duchess Dowager of Urbino . 149 

X. 1 526-1 527. Treaty of Madrid. Francis I breaks his 
word. League of Cognac. Charles V marries Isabel 
of Portugal, Colonna raid on Rome. Dismay of 
Castiglione. His efforts for a firm alliance between 
the Pope and the Emperor. Battle of Mohkcs (Louis 
of Hungary defeated and killed by the Turks). Frunds- 
berg and Charles of Bourbon invade Italy. The 
taking and the sack of Rome. Bourbon killed. Pope 
Clement a prisoner 165 

XI. 1527-1529. After the sack of Rome. The grief and 
despair of Castiglione. His justification to the Pope. 
Many letters. Controversy with Vald^z. Indiscretion 
of Vittoria Colonna with regard to the Cortegiano. 
Castiglione publishes his great work. Letter to his 
children. Death of Baldassare Castiglione. Sorrow 
of the Emperor, the Pope, and his many friends. 
Brief account of the poetical works of Castiglione . 181 

"The Book of the Courtier." Il Cortegiano. 
Appreciations 200 



IL Cortegiano. 
Dramatis Personse 205 

Book I. The Count of Urbino, and the passing of Pope Julius 
II (1507). Concerning the Perfect Courtier. All the 
qualities needful for his perfection .... 207 

Book II. Concerning the fashion, the manner, and the time 
in which the Perfect Courtier must display his qualities. 

Various "facetis" (jests, etc.) 224 

vii 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PACK 

Book III. The most excellent Court of Urbino. Concerning 
the Lady of the Court, as compared with the Perfect 
Courtier. Woman in the Past and Present. The 
qualities needful for her perfection .... 248 

Book IV. In Commemoration of Departed Friends. Con- 
cerning the Perfect Courtier in relation to his Prince. 
The Ideal Government. The duties of Princes. The 
Courtier considered as a lover. The Platonism of the 
Renaissance with regard to Heavenly Beauty and 
Heavenly Love. A rapturous invocation. The dawn 
of day 265 

Books Consulted 280 

Index 283 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



Baldassare Castiglione {by Raphael^ Louvre) . 
Federico of Urbino {by Francesca, Uffizi Gallery) 
Beatrice d'Este {Fresco attributed to Ltdni, Milan) 
Cardinal Ippolito dei Medici {by Titian, Pitti Gallery) 
Ccesare Borgia {by Raphael, Borghese Gallery) 
Michelangelo {by himself, Uffizi Gallery) . 
Leonora Gonzaga, Duchess of Urbino {by Titian 

Pita Gallery) 

Pope Leo X with Cardinals dei Medici and Rossi {by 

Raphael) . 

Raphael of Urbino {by himself Uffizi Gallery) . 
Isabella d'Este {by Rubens, Imperial Gallery^ 

Vienna) . 

Francesca Maria /, Duke of Urbino {by Titian) 
Vittoria Colonna,Marchesa diPescara{Uffizi Gallery) 
Lodovico Ariosto {reputed) {by Titian, National 

Gallery) . 

Emperor Charles V {by Titiaii, Prado, Madrid) 
Galeazzo di Sanseverino {by Ambrogio de Predis) 
Elisabetta Gonzaga- Duchess of Urbino {Uffizi 

Gallery) 

Bibbiena, Bernardo Dovisi of {by Raphael, Pitti 

Gallery) 



Freniispieci 
Facing page 8 
24 
32 
48 ■ 
60 

80 

96 
112 

128 
„ 160 

192 
„ 216 

„ 240 

„ 264 



Cover design: Arms of Castiglione {from the '■'' Libro d'Oro," of 
Mantua) 



INTRODUCTION 

It is a truism to remark that the favourite masterpiece 
of one age may seem to be almost forgotten in a later 
day. Yet, when the verdict alike of his contemporaries 
and of posterity has once placed a man amongst the 
Band of Immortals, we may rest certain that his work 
will have might to conquer the apparently inevitable 
result of Time — oblivion. 

In that roll-call of Honour we venture to place 
Count Baldassare Castiglione, when we remember the 
world-wide fame of his Book of the Courtier, "a mirror 
of the age which gave it birth," a model for all Europe 
of the Ideal Gentleman, and a textbook on the subject 
in the spacious days of Elizabethan culture. Thus we 
stand in need of no apology for telling the little-known 
story of Castiglione's life, the stirring events in which 
it was his fortune to take part, and the distinguished 
group of noble lords and ladies, of great soldiers, 
scholars, poets, and artists who honoured him with their 
friendship. 

In choosing one of the minor characters in the great 
Drama of History, there is more space and freedom to 
dwell upon the intimate daily life of the Renaissance, 
with all its abiding charm. A purely Historical work, 
dealing mainly with Kings and ruHng Princes, must 
give such supreme importance to political matters, that 
there is no time to linger in the pleasant byways of life, 
where the flowers blossom and the birds sing. 



INTRODUCTION 

How often in fiction does the author's instinct lead 
him to choose some secondary character to tell the 
story, in which he has the inestimable advantage of 
being a looker-on as well as an actor ! 

Never was there a man more fitted by talent and 
position to play this part than Count Castiglione. His 
was one of those rare natures which combine absolute 
honesty and outspoken courage, with all those ideal 
qualities of a Perfect Courtier which made him every- 
where beloved and trusted by Popes and Princes and 
Emperor, so that with his keen insight he gained 
intimate and unique knowledge of their character and 
their deeds. Moreover he was an accomplished letter- 
writer and, fortunately for us, an immense mass of his 
correspondence has been preserved. 

We are thus able to look upon that most interesting 
period of the Italian Renaissance, from the fresh point 
of view of one who had the good fortune to be behind 
the scenes, or even on the stage, when any striking per- 
formance took place. The mere story of Castiglione's 
own life, his friendships, his marriage, and his adven- 
tures, is a romance in itself. But his greatest claim to 
our interest is his famous and entrancing Book of the 
Courtier^ written in loyal devotion, to preserve the 
memory of those "golden years of his life" at the Court 
of Urbino. Here we find ourselves of a sudden wafted 
into an enchanted land by the magician to whom it 
occurred, in a moment of inspiration, that he would 
chronicle the "sweet conversation" of the noble per- 
sonages gathered round his peerless Duchess, and thus 
crystallise for ever the evanescent charm of the spoken 
word. 

A sketch of the Cortegiano is added to this history 



INTRODUCTION 

of Count Baldassare Castiglione, for whom these words 
of Tasso will prepare the way : — 

. . . Mentre dureranno le Corti, mentre dureranno i 
Principi, le donne e i Cavalieri insieme si raccoglieranno ; 
mentre valore e cortesia avranno albergo negli animi nostri, 
sara in pregio il nome del Castiglione. 

(T. Tasso, Diologo della Corle.) 

(While Courts shall last, while Princes shall endure, and 
ladies and knights shall meet together ; while valour and 
courtesy shall have an abode in our souls, the name of 
Castiglione shall remain precious to us.) 



INTRODUCTORY LETTER OF THE 
HISTORIAN, SIGNOR A. LUZIO 

KEEPER OF THE ARCHIVES OF MANTUA 

You have given me in advance the pleasure of reading 
your book, in which, with so much accuracy and 
sympathy, you speak of the most perfect courtier of 
his century, B. Castiglione. 

I thank you with sincere gratitude for your courtesy, 
and I venture to offer you the copy of a document 
in the Gonzaga Archives which will introduce your 
beautiful work better than any modest words of mine. 

In 1 5 19, the very year in which Castiglione went to 
Rome as ambassador of the Gonzagas, the representa- 
tive of Henry VIII at the Court of Leo X, *' Silvestro 
Gigli," Bishop of Worcester, wrote thus to the Marchese 
of Mantua : — 

Ill°^« et Ex^'^ D'^^ . . . 

Knowing the affection and respect of Your Excellency 
towards the Most Christian Majesty of my Lord, the King 
of England, and the universal love towards all the nation, 
and also the confidence and service which I hold with Your 
Excellency, I have felt it safe to write to you, feeling certain 
that in your kindness you do not look upon my letters as 
trivial. 

Messer Antonio Frokmorthon (Throgmorton?), the bearer 
of this present, an English gentleman of honourable and 
noble parents coming from England hither to Rome together 
with his father, as fate would have it, his father died by the way. 
Therefore when he found himself thus in Italy he wrote to his 
own country, to his elder brother and his relations, asking 
them to direct him as to what he should do ; from whom he 
received the reply that for some time he should remain in 
Italy in the service of some great and honourable Lord, to learn 



INTRODUCTORY LETTER 

the customs and manners of this country ; and I on his behalf 
and that of his kindred, my friends, beg that you will favour 
and help him to this effect. Thus for the aforesaid reasons, 
and knowing- the magnanimity, nobility, and munificence of 
Your Excellency and of your Court, I have thought that in 
no other place could he better fulfil his desire and be more 
willingly received than in your service. Wherefore with all 
my heart I pray that you will deign to receive the said 
M. Antonio, who has the means to maintain himself well, 
and to do honour to you without much trouble, and I am 
certain that he will serve you faithfully. This, as I hope, 
being accomplished, besides giving great pleasure to the 
King's Majesty and to many Lords and gentlemen of the 
nation, will oblige me for ever. 

Rome, January 9, 1519. 

Servus 

Sil. Episcopus Wigorniensis 

Ch™' Regis Angliee Oratoris. 

This seems to me one of the most characteristic 
documents showing the importance which Mantua then 
had in the civilised world ; it was looked upon as one 
of the most brilliant centres of the Italian Renaissance ; 
it was pointed out as the best place where a young 
English gentleman could perfect his education. 

Alas ! to-day it has become a squalid provincial city, 
unjustly neglected by foreigners, although so many 
historical treasures are collected in its archives, and 
its monuments are adorned with so many luminous 
traces of beauty. 

To you, who with intellectual and loving discern- 
ment have claimed for Castiglione and his country the 
attention of the English public, it is a pleasure for me 
to express my most cordial appreciation and my most 

sincere praise. 

ALESSANDRO LUZIO, 

Direttore delV Archivio di Stato. 



CHAPTER I 

1478-1494 

Baldassare Castiglione— His Birth and Lineage— 
His early home— Education in the days of the 
Renaissance— The Gonzaga Family— Francesco Gon- 

ZAGA BECOMES MaRCHESE OF MaNTUA — ChIARA GONZAGA 

MARRIES Gilbert de Montpensier— Elisabetta Gon- 
zaga MARRIES GUIDOBALDO, DUKE OF URBINO— THE 
COMING OF ISABELLA D'ESTE TO MaNTUA— STORY OF 

THE New World— Castiglione goes to study at 
Milan. 

In those stately Courts of the Renaissance, the wise 
courtier who could guide and counsel his lord, and 
serve him in diplomacy at home and abroad, had 
quite as important a part to play as the man of 
action, the warrior captain of his army. But in Count 
Baldassare Castiglione we find combined the perfect 
courtier, the gallant condottiere and the distinguished 
man of letters. Born of high estate, he was destined 
to carry on the noblest traditions of his race, to become 
a citizen of the world, to be a welcome guest at the 
most cultivated Courts of Europe, and to sit in council 
with princes and kings, with cardinals and popes. 

The warrior host, the crash of arms, the triumphant 
entry ; pomps and pageants alike of peace and war 
were to him familiar scenes, in which he had to play 
his own stately part. Count Castiglione had the mar- 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

vellous good fortune to be ever at the centre of interest 
in those epoch-making days of a nation's story. Per- 
haps no period of Italian history is of more striking 
interest than the end of the fifteenth and beginning of 
the sixteenth century — the years between 1478 and 
1529, which cover the span of his adventurous life. 
The mention of a few illustrious contemporaries will 
place his period more vividly than any list of dates. 
Born a few years later than Isabella and Beatrice 
d'Este, their brother Alfonso Duke of Ferrara, Michel- 
angelo, Leo X, and Titian — the same year as Giorgione 
the artist and Giovanni dei Medici (delle Bande nere) — 
Castiglione was five years older than Martin Luther, 
and Raphael with whom he became linked in the most 
intimate bonds of friendship. 

Our courtier was of noble birth (which was greatly 
to his advantage, on the ground which he points out 
in the Cortegiano that noblesse oblige), the eldest son 
of the distinguished condottiere of men-at-arms in the 
service of the Marchese of Mantua — Count Cristoforo 
Castiglione III, he was proudly styled, as though of a 
reigning dynasty. The mother of Baldassare was 
Aloisia da Antonia Gonzaga, a beautiful and accom- 
plished woman, a near kinswoman of the ruling family 
in Mantua. During the whole of his life, the constant 
and intimate correspondence of her son reveals Ma- 
donna Aloisia to us as a most wise and devoted mother, 
worthy indeed of his unchanging love and confidence. 

Baldassare Castiglione was born on Sunday, the 6th 
of November, 1478, in the picturesque old castle of 
Casatico, within the Commune of Maccaria, about 
twelve miles south-west of Mantua on the way to 
Cremona. This was one of the hereditary domains of 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

the Castiglione family, who also possessed a grand old 
thirteenth-century palace in Mantua, whose splendid 
portals may still be seen on the Piazza Sordello, in the 
quarter of San Jacobi. 

There was a passion for beautiful gardens in the 
Italy of that day, and these were nowhere more 
luxurious than in the rich fertile country around 
Mantua. In the charm of its surroundings, the 
stately home at Casatico could bear comparison with 
the more famous villas of the Gonzaga princes. We 
will try to picture its old-world beauty. Closed in by 
thick dark hedges of box and yew, sheltered by groves 
of plane-trees to the south, so that there was always 
shade at noon, the gardens were laid out in terraces in 
front of the Castello, from whence stretched forth long 
straight walks covered with vine-grown pergolas, and 
bordered with rose-trees and jessamine. Green lawns 
sloped down to the steep banks of the river Oglio, 
with a marble fountain in the centre of the turf, and 
orange trees in boxes at every corner, while in distant 
nooks were sylvan arbours and strange grottoes with 
quaint figures of animals carved in stone. A place to 
dream and linger in on a summer evening, ''green with 
perpetual verdure, musical with the voice of waters, 
glowing with luscious fruits and sweetest flowers." 

Such was the home of Baldassare's early days, an 
ideal spot for the games of happy childhood, for his 
was no lonely lot. Besides his three sisters Polissena, 
Francesca, and Anna, and his younger brother Jero- 
nimo, there was no lack of Gonzaga cousins both at 
Mantua and at Bozzolo, a few miles to the south of 
Casatico. One early playmate, Cesare Gonzaga, three 
years older than himself, remained till death his in- 
3 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

separable companion and friend. With kindred tastes, 
they shared alike in study and in the fortune of war and 
diplomacy. 

The Renaissance in Italy was a palmy time for 
children of high birth. We see it well described in 
the charming letters of little Piero dei Medici to his 
father, asking for a new pony, for ''some of the best 
setters that there are," and merrily describing the 
doings of his brothers and sisters. A bright-spirited 
boy would be accustomed from his earliest years to 
imitate, from afar, the sports and amusements of his 
elders. Baldassare learnt to ride almost as soon as to 
walk, and in after years we are constantly reminded of 
his splendid horsemanship. This was an indispensable 
accomplishment in those times when so much depended 
upon individual gallantry, for in the day of battle it 
might mean life or death to the rider. Thus we 
remember the three rules which Francesco Sforza, the 
greatest of the condottieri, gave to his son : — 

" Leave other men's wives alone. 

"Strike none of your followers, or if you do, send 
the injured man far away. 

"Never ride a hard-mouthed horse, or one who 
drops his shoe." 

It was necessary to be a good judge of a horse, as 
well as a perfect rider. Castiglione himself once, in 
writing for a war-horse, remarks: "He must be 
thoroughly trained, and have brains." Amongst 
numberless other instances, we remember that the 
life of Charles VIII was saved at the battle of Fornovo 
by the docility and swiftness of his charger " Savoie." 

Cristoforo Castiglione encouraged his son in every 
manly pursuit ; he was early initiated into the mysteries 

4 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

of hunting and hawking, and every knightly exercise 
and pastime. But that which strikes us most in the 
education of these children of the Renaissance is not 
only their marvellous proficiency in classical and 
literary studies, but their enduring love for them. 
Baldassare Castiglione was one of those happy 
scholars to whom learning seemed to come so lightly, 
and yet who, amid the distractions of his full active 
life, could use Latin as his mother-tongue ; make a 
stately speech, write a diplomatic letter, or toss off an 
ode or an epigram. The Classic authors of Greece and 
Rome remain ever such familiar friends to him that in 
the Cortegiano, his masterpiece, their deepest thoughts 
shine forth once more in vivid life and beauty. 

The education which bore such fruit in the children 
of the Renaissance deserves a careful study. It is 
true that Baldassare was fortunate, not alone in the 
time but in the place of his birth. The labours of the 
famous Vittorino da Feltre, half a century before, had 
placed Mantua in the van of educational progress. 
This great humanist had a lofty ideal of a school- 
master's mission, and was marvellously successful as 
a teacher. He came to the Casa Zoiosa (House of Joy) 
near the Castello of Mantua, as tutor to the Gonzaga 
princes in the first place, but he soon had quite a group 
of pupils under his care, including several maidens of 
high birth. His aim was to give a thorough training 
of mind and body, and to encourage a simple life, of 
which virtue and religion were the foundation. The 
course of study included Greek (in which Vittorino was 
specially distinguished), Latin, philosophy, logic, gram- 
mar, mathematics, and also music, dancing, and sing- 
ing, varied by all kinds of outdoor sports and games, 
5 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

amongst which the very energetic palla was most 
popular in the meadows by the Mincio. 

An enthusiast himself, Vittorino had the rare and 
precious gift of inspiring his pupils with his own 
enthusiasm for learning. With regard to his methods, 
we are told that he would choose his own favourite 
passages from Homer, Demosthenes, Virgil, or Cicero, 
and read them aloud, explaining as he continued ; then 
encourage his class to learn them by heart in order to 
improve their style. One of his rules was : '' First be 
sure that you have something to say, then say it as 
simply as possible." Those who were slow to learn 
received special attention from him, and it is interesting 
to know that he had scholars of all ranks, some who 
were too poor to pay being received "for the love of 
God." During the long summer days, he would take 
his scholars to the rising ground at Pietola, the reputed 
birthplace of Virgil, and tell them stories of the great 
heroes of olden time, as they rested after their games ; 
and we even hear of an occasional visit to the Tyrolese 
Alps. Amongst his distinguished pupils we find the 
great Duke of Urbino, Federico di Montefeltro, the 
Gonzaga princesses, Margherita and Cecilia Gonzaga, 
and their brothers. 

The traditions of Vittorino da Feltre still lived in 
Mantua in the days of Castiglione, and amongst his 
learned teachers we hear of the Veronese professor 
Columbino reading Virgil publicly in the city, and 
Pietro di Vidana, who devoted himself chiefly to 
dramatic art, having frequent representations of the 
best comedies of Plautus and Terence. Other dis- 
tinguished scholars are mentioned as teaching here, 
such as Giovanni da Cavallana, who encouraged the 
6 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

study of Virgil, Ovid, Titus Livius, and also the 
Italian Classics. Another Mantuan tutor thus de- 
scribes his method of teaching a young prince : 
"We have gone through the abridged history of 
Livy, and he has translated two books of Valerius 
with my help in case of difficulty, and now he has a 
good knowledge of Roman history and the Laws and 
Constitution of the State. ... I have taught him a 
work of Ovid, In Ibim, full of unfamiliar fables and 
stories. . . . He has read some beautiful elegies with 
me, and construes orations with ease. I dictate epistles 
to him every day . . . and also expound an epistle of 
Cicero to him, for the sake of his style. ... In modern 
literature, he has read through Petrarch with me, and 
other poems . . . * Francesco Vigilius.'" 

Such interest and enthusiasm as we have seen in the 
teachers of that day deserved to be successful. 

They were undoubtedly so in the case of Baldassare, 
who became a most accomplished youth, and whose 
love for learning had been so stimulated in early days, 
that it continued an undying source of pleasure through 
life. Besides his literary pursuits, we are told that he 
studied music, architecture, sculpture, and painting, and 
it is quite possible that he may have been encouraged 
in the love of art by seeing the famous painter Andrea 
Mantegna at work on his great series of " Triumphs" 
for the decoration of the Castello of Mantua. 

It will be necessary to give a brief sketch of the 
reigning Gonzaga family, which is so intimately 
connected with the fortunes of Baldassare Castiglione. 
In the year of his birth, 1478, Federico Gonzaga suc- 
ceeded his father Lodovico as Marchese of Mantua, 
and soon afterwards he lost his young wife Margaret of 
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Bavaria, and his six children were left to the care of 
their grandmother, Barbara of Brandenberg. These 
were Chiara, Francesco (who succeeded his father in 
1484), Sigismondo, Elisabetta (the Duchess of Urbino, 
famous in the Cortegiano), Maddalena, and Giovanni, 
who was only five years old. When in 148 1 a marriage 
was arranged for Chiara with Gilbert, Due de Mont- 
pensier, we find that Count Cristoforo Castiglione and 
his wife Madonna Aloisia were in such high esteem at 
the Court of Mantua that they were chosen to escort 
the bride to France. This was a splendid match for 
the young Gonzaga princess, as her husband was one 
of the first nobles of the realm — of the blood royal, in 
direct descent from St. Louis, through the brother of 
Philippe le Hardi, Robert, who married Beatrice of 
Burgundy. 

Was there no Court astrologer to predict to the 
gentle Chiara that her first-born son would be the most 
splendid and flamboyant figure of the Renaissance — the 
magnificent Prince Charles, Due de Montpensier, Con- 
stable of France, who outdid kings in splendour, and 
whose story was to close with a tragedy of Empire ? 

The Marchesa Barbara died a few months after the 
marriage of her eldest granddaughter, and her solemn 
funeral procession, as she was borne through the streets 
of Mantua to the Duomo, may have been one of the 
earliest memories of young Castiglione. When Lorenzo 
dei Medici came to the city two years later, so illustrious 
a visitor as the Magnifico cannot fail to have made a 
vivid impression upon the boy, whose birth gave him a 
right to share in all that took place at the Court of 
Mantua. In 1484, the Marchese Federico died and was 
succeeded by his eldest son Francesco, who at eighteen 




Andersofi, Photo 



FEDERICO OF URBINO 



Francesca 
To face p. S 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

was already betrothed to Isabella d'Este. There was 
constant coming and going of great people. In August, 
i486, we find the young Duke of Urbino arriving as a 
visitor, on his betrothal to Elisabetta Gonzaga, the 
eldest of the two remaining princesses. The Court 
Chamberlain remarks in a letter that the illustrious 
guest ** went for his pastime in a boat on the lake after 
having dined, but being unused to the water he became 
ill and landed at the gate of the Corte. Here he saw the 
Triumphs of Ccesar, which Mantegna was painting, and 
took much pleasure in them. Afterwards he passed 
onward to the Castello by the Via Coperta." 

This young Guidobaldo of Urbino was a handsome, 
cultivated youth of fifteen, the same age as his proposed 
bride, but unfortunately he was delicate in health, and 
already a sufferer from hereditary gout. He had been 
a ruling prince during the last four years, since the 
death of his father Federico Montefeltro in 1482. This 
prince was destined in future years to have Baldassare 
Castiglione as his most devoted friend and courtier. 

The next important visitor at Mantua was Chiara, 
the Duchess of Montpensier, who had now been married 
five years, but who still clung to her old home with the 
most passionate affection, and was never so happy as 
when she could be with her own people. The three 
sisters had a gay time together that Christmas of i486, 
although they had to put off some of their proposed 
festivities until the New Year on account of the absence 
of their brother Francesco. The wedding of Elisabetta 
was arranged to take place early in the year 1488, and 
there were great preparations for the important event, 
and a stately ceremony in the Duomo before the bride 
set forth on her wedding journey. 
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It is interesting to suppose that, as the young prin- 
cess was an intimate friend of his mother, Baldassare 
may even then have had a childish admiration for his 
peerless lady of the Cortegta?io, whose idolater he 
was to become in those halcyon days at the Court of 
Urbino, with the far-off worship of lowly reverence. 
To the student of his life and work, all that concerns 
Elisabetta Gonzaga will be welcome. 

With a goodly suite in attendance and her youngest 
brother Giovanni to keep her company, she set sail in 
a stately bucentaur down the river Po towards Ferrara ; 
but the wintry weather was unpropitious, and such 
terrible storms came on, that the bridal party had 
serious hardships to endure before they were welcomed 
by Duke Ercole and the Duchess Leonora. Here the 
gentle, retiring Elisabetta was strongly attracted by the 
brilliant charm of Isabella d'Este, her future sister-in- 
law, and the two young girls formed a close friendship 
which lasted all their lives. It is curious to learn that 
before proceeding on her journey, the bride was con- 
firmed by the Bishop of Ferrara in the presence of all 
the Este family. As she had reached the age of seven- 
teen, it was an interlude which we should scarcely have 
expected. 

After leaving Ferrara the poor bride met with more 
storms and bad weather, which reached such a pitch at 
Ravenna that the Podesta's palace was flooded. The 
mountain travel beyond was still more trying for the 
delicate girl, the torrents being so swollen as to be 
almost impassable, and she wrote to her brother 
Francesco, that if it had not been for the devotion of 
her attendants she should never have reached Urbino 
alive. Here a magnificent reception awaited her, to 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

atone for past sufferings. " Ranged upon the hill- 
slope were the ladies of the city, exquisitely dressed, and 
the children bearing olive-branches in their hands. As 
soon as the bridal party came in sight, a screen of 
mounted choristers rose up before them, accompanied by 
nymphs in antique garb ; dogs started off in pursuit of 
hareslet loose for them; thehillsresoundedwith a cantata 
specially composed, and the Goddess of Mirth in person 
descended the slope and offered the young Duchess her 
congratulations and good wishes." Guidobaldo, with 
knightly devotion, led his lady by the hand down into 
the splendid palace which seemed to climb the last 
height above the city, and whose walls were draped 
with tapestry and cloth of gold, while on every side 
were costly pictures, antiques, and bronzes, and to 
crown all, a precious library of the rarest books and 
manuscripts. 

As we take leave of Elisabetta in her new and 
splendid home, it is not without a touch of sympathy 
for her in the bitter tears she shed, on parting with her 
young brother and her Mantuan friends. 

The next event of importance which in any way 
affected Castiglione was the appointment of Francesco 
Gonzaga, Marchese of Mantua, to the coveted position 
of Captain-General of the armies of Venice in 1489, 
as this would involve his frequent absence, and also 
that of Cristoforo Castiglione, who served under him 
as a condottiere. This was a period of comparative 
peace — a lull before the storm — although there had 
been serious disturbances, and a revolt of the inhabi- 
tants both at Forli and at Faenza. In October of this 
year, 1489, Maddalena, the last of the Gonzaga prin- 
cesses, was married to Giovanni Sforza of Pesaro, but 



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her place was taken the following February by the 
coming of Isabella d'Este as bride to Francesco. On 
the magnificence of this favourite of fortune so much 
glowing enthusiasm has been spent, that it will only 
be needful to describe briefly the pageants which de- 
lighted the eyes of the twelve-year-old boy, Baldassare. 

The wedding party, consisting of most of the Este 
family, arrived in a splendid gilt bucentaur with at- 
tendant galleys, and next came the grand procession 
into the city on horseback, through the streets garlanded 
with flowers and hung with banners, welcomed by the 
singing of children and by strange masques. When 
the bride alighted at the Castello she was met at the 
foot of the great staircase by Elisabetta, Duchess of 
Urbino, who had come with her husband to the wedding. 
They had brought their precious tapestries from Urbino 
to do honour to the occasion, and it seems strange to 
hear that the bridegroom had borrowed costly plate 
and carpets and brocades from all his friends and re- 
lations. Considering the difficulty and danger of 
transit in those days, it was very generous of them to 
lend their treasures ! The festivities continued for 
days ; banquets, dances, tournaments, and processions, 
until we should imagine the treasury of the small State 
would have been almost exhausted. It is true that 
Isabella brought with her a dowry of some 30,000 
ducats, thirteen wedding chests richly decorated with 
gold leaf and ultramarine, costly hangings and artistic 
personal ornaments, besides a gilt chariot, a bucentaur 
of her own, and a silver altar with all needful office- 
books and vessels. 

We learn that the young Marchesa found a kindred 
spirit in Madonna Luigia Castiglione, and that the 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

two ladies soon became inseparable friends. We can 
imagine them sitting together in the beautiful rooms 
of the Castello, or in the shady gardens of their country 
villas, reading the latest romance or poem, playing 
scartino, or working at some choice embroidery ; while 
at times the blind improvisatore, Francesco Bello, 
would delight them with his flowing verse, until the 
Lord of Bozzolo summoned back his favourite to cheer 
his sick-room. 

The coming of Madonna Isabella to Mantua made a 
gay and brilliant change in Court life. Every form of 
luxury was natural to her ; splendid and most costly 
garments and jewels (her favourite dress was em- 
broidered with notes of music in gold on an azure 
ground), and gay entertainments of every kind. All 
her rooms had to be painted and decorated afresh 
according to her minute directions, and she even 
brought with her a number of skilled artists to carry 
out her wishes. Apparently the young princess treated 
them in the most despotic fashion, and if there was any 
delay in obeying her orders, the luckless offender was 
threatened with the Castle dungeon. But when she 
was pleased she could be supremely gracious, and had 
a charming welcome for the many interesting visitors 
who came to do her homage. Amongst these were the 
young poet Antonio Tebaldeo, also the famous courtier 
and writer of pastoral plays and other poems, Niccolo 
da Correggio, with whom young Castiglione now made 
that first acquaintance which ripened into friendship. 
He must also have enjoyed meeting the great musicians 
who came to Mantua to give lessons in singing to the 
young Marchesa — Giovanni Martini, the organist from 
Constance, and Girolama da Sestola from Ferrara. 
13 



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The famous Florentine, Atalante Migliorotti, came to 
perform in a gala performance of Poliziano's *'Orfeo" 
at the villa of Marmirola, in 1491, and made the prin- 
cess a present of a silver lute, the last fashionable 
instrument. Mantegna returned to Mantua from Rome 
the same year, and somewhat later the imperious Isa- 
bella sent for Giovanni Santi, the father of Raphael, to 
paint her portrait. He came at her request but, before 
the picture was finished, the poor man fell ill and had 
to return to the more healthy climate of Urbino. The 
visit to Mantua, however, proved fatal to the great 
artist, who never recovered from the fever caught 
there, and died the following August. 

The Duchess Elisabetta often visited her old home 
and, on one occasion at least, a poet with his lyre was 
sent in the bucentaur which met her, that he might 
beguile the way with music and singing. Always 
delicate in i^ealth, she found the low-lying land of her 
birth suit her better than the bracing hill air which 
Santi pined for. She also enjoyed the society of her 
clever sister-in-law, who was sure to have all the 
newest books and poems and music ; the latest editions 
of Godefroi de Bouillon, of the History of King Arthur 
and the Round Table, of the Paladins of France, the 
Life of Julius Ccesar, Boccaccio, and other romances, 
besides any classical Latin authors she might desire to 
read again. The Marchesa also set the example of 
going to the Duomo to listen to a course of Lenten 
sermons in 1492 by that popular Augustinian Friar, 
Fra Mariano de Genazzaro, who was almost as much 
admired in his day as Savonarola. 

There is no record of the presence of Baldassare at 
these pious discourses, although it is extremely probable 
14 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

that he escorted his mother to them. But we have 
little doubt that when, early in 1493, the marvellous 
news reached Mantua of the return of Cristoforo Col- 
umbus from his first voyage, and his discovery of the 
New World, the eager boy and his friend Giovanni 
Gonzaga listened with rapt excitement to the amazing 
story. This was the form in which it reached them. 

A letter from Florence says that : 

*'. . . the King of Spain sent some ships over the 
seas, which after a voyage of thirty-six days discovered 
certain islands, amongst others a very big one lying 
east, with broad rivers and terrible mountains, and a very 
fertile land, inhabited by handsome men and women, 
who go naked or only wear a cotton leaf round the 
waist. This country abounds in gold, and the people 
are very courteous and liberal of their property, and 
there are quantities of palms of more than six different 
kinds, and some wonderfully tall trees. There are 
other islands, five of which have been given names, 
and one which is nearly as large as Italy. And the 
rivers there run with gold, and there is plenty of copper 
but no iron, and many other wonders, and you can 
neither see the Arctic nor the Antarctic poles." 

A further account was written by some servants of 
the Marchese of Mantua, who had been sent to buy 
horses in Spain : 

*' A Savona sailor named Columbus has landed here, 
bringing 30,000 ducats in gold, as well as pepper and 
other spices, and parrots as big as falcons and as red as 
pheasants. They found trees bearing fine wool, and 
others which produce wax and linen fibres, and men 
like Tartars, tall and active with long hair falling over 
their shoulders. . . . These sailors have brought back 
IS 



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a great quantity of gold, sandal-wood, and spices . . . 
and sixty parrots of variegated colours ... as well as 
twelve Indians who have been sent to the King (Fer- 
nando of Aragon). And that land had great forests in 
which the trees grow so thickly you may scarce see 
the sky. ..." 

Another letter was chiefly interested about the inhabi- 
tants : **. . . men of our height of copper-coloured 
skin, with noses like apes. . . . All go naked, men and 
women alike. No one can understand their language 
. . . they eat the roots of trees and some kind of nut 
which is like pepper." ^ 

As the story grew, how the fabled glories of the East 
must have loomed in dim magnificence before the 
imagination of the Italian youths, and we only marvel 
how they could tamely remain in the Old World ! We 
can scarcely realise how elementary was the knowledge 
of geography in those days when distant lands had all 
the charm of vague romance. A Mappa-mondo drawn 
in charcoal is believed to have hung on a wall of one 
of the Mantuan palaces, but it was boldly filled in with 
the wildest fancies of the artist, for until more than a 
generation later even the general outline of the New 
World was not made out. 

The future of Baldassare had already been a subject 
of anxious consideration to his parents, who felt that 
with a son of such great promise no means should be 
neglected for extending and perfecting his education. 
At that time the ancient University of Milan was reviv- 
ing its former glories under the munificent patronage 
of Lodovico Sforza, and the young prince, Sigismondo 
Gonzaga, Monsignore il ProtonariOy had but recently 

1 G. Berghet, quoted by Mrs. Ady. 
i6 



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returned from a course of study in that city. There 
were other reasons which made Milan a desirable abode 
for young Castiglione ; another branch of his family 
dwelt there, many of whom were in positions of im- 
portance. We hear of Giorgio Giacomo Archbishop of 
Bari, of Giovanni Stefano Count of Serone, Senator 
and Ducal Councillor ; of Girolamo and Filippo, who 
were afterwards Presidents of the Senate of Milan ; of 
Bonaventura, a famous historian, and of other members 
of the Castiglione clan. 

By the influence of these noble kinsmen the youth 
might enter into the service of the Duke Lodovico, and 
thus not only complete his literary education at the 
Accademia, but also his courtly and chivalrous train- 
ing at the cultured Court of Milan. In this city were 
gathered illustrious men of talent from all parts, from 
Greece, Florence, Venice, and other Italian states, dis- 
tinguished in every branch of art and learning, 
attracted hither by the liberal patronage of Lodovico 
Sforza. He summoned from Pavia the Athenian 
scholar, Demetrius Calcondila, to lecture in Greek, 
and of him a loving disciple wrote : ** It seems to me 
that in him are figured all the wisdom, the civility, and 
the elegance of those ancients who are so famous and 
so illustrious. Merely seeing him you fancy you are 
looking upon Plato ; far more when you hear him 
speak." 

Most of Castiglione's biographers speak of his study- 
ing under Giorgio Merula, called the *'Sun of Ales- 
sandria," the historian and professor of Latin and 
rhetoric, who died in 1494 (which would make his 
coming to Milan two years earlier than the usually 
received opinion). He certainly learnt geometry and 



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mathematics from Fra Luca Pacioli of Borgo San 
Sepolcro, the greatest mathematician of the day, who 
wrote a book De Dimna Proportioned of which the 
MS. edition, illustrated by Leonardo da Vinci, was 
presented to II Moro for his wonderful library. 
History was taught by Ferrari, the first public 
lecturer on the subject in Italy. Of poets there was 
no lack ; indeed, every man of culture tried his hand at 
least on a love sonnet to some fair lady. Amongst 
those whose poetry deserves special notice were the 
tre generosi cavallieri of the Court of Milan, 
Niccolo da Correggio of Ferrara ; Antonio Fregosa, 
the soldier-poet of Genoa; and Gaspare Visconti, whose 
graceful, fantastic love lyrics were compared by his 
friends to those of Petrarch. In the free and constant 
intercourse of all these gifted people there arose a 
delightful enthusiasm for any new and interesting 
work. Thus we are told that when the famous Floren- 
tine, Angelo Poliziano, brought out his Miscellanea 
in Milan, the Duke's secretary Jacopo Antiquario one 
morning found all the clerks eagerly turning over the 
loose pages of this new book, and he in his turn be- 
came so eager about the Miscellarbea that he forgot 
his duties. 

Castiglione evidently shared the interest in this 
particular author, for we find him writing on a later 
occasion from his camp at the seat of war to have a 
book of Poliziano sent him from Mantua. We also 
learn from his letters that he possessed and played 
upon a variety of musical instruments ; the viol is 
specially mentioned — a name given to several bowed 
instruments, following the mediaeval fiddle, and com- 
ing before the violin. At Milan, where there were 
i8 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

teachers on every subject, he would have had excellent 
opportunities of learning music, as the priest Franchino 
Gaffuri was a most distinguished professor in the 
** Chair of Music." The Neapolitan musician, Serafino 
Aquilano, was famous for his improvisations upon the 
lute, and he delighted the Court of Milan with songs 
of his own composition. Castiglione had many other 
teachers at this time ; for his education appears to 
have been carried out on the broadest lines. He 
learnt the rudiments of architecture under Bramante, 
and found a liberal education in art through his inti- 
macy with Leonardo da Vinci and Cristoforo Romano. 
In after years he shows great familiarity with the works 
of Virgil, Tibullus, Propertius, Statius, Cicero, Xeno- 
phon, Aristotle, and above all with those of Plato, for 
which he had a special affection. 

In his introductory letter to the Cortegiano, addressed 
to the Bishop of Viseo, he remarks : 

'*Some will say that ... I thought to represent 
myself as the Perfect Courtier . . . unto such I will 
not deny that I have attempted all those studies which 
I assert that the Courtier should have knowledge of. 
. . . And I think that whoso hath no knowledge of 
the matters treated in this Book, however learned he 
may be, cannot well write of them ; but I am not so 
deprived of judgment in knowing myself, that I should 
presume to think I know all that is desirable should be 
known. ..." 



CHAPTER II 

THE COURT OF MILAN IN THE REIGN 
OF LODOVICO SFORZA 

1494-1503 

Invasion of Italy by Charles VIII— Battle op For- 
Novo — Death of Count Cristoforo Castiglione — 
Charles VIII succeeded by Louis XII— Fall of 

LODOVICO SFORZA— C^SARE BORGIA TAKES URBINO FROM 

Duke Guidobaldo. 

As our theme is simply the intimate, personal, and 
literary history of "a Courtier of the Renaissance," 
we do but hear from afar the rumours of great events 
and the distant thunders of war as they reach the 
Court of Milan. The death of Lorenzo dei Medici 
had deprived Italy of a great statesman and peace- 
maker, and the election of the Borgia Pope, Alexander 
VI, was a presage of evil wherever his influence ex- 
tended. But the most fatal enemy to his country's 
peace was Lodovico Sforza himself, when in the hope of 
furthering his ambitious schemes he sent ambassadors 
to persuade the wavering Charles VIII to invade Italy 
and take part in the internecine war against Naples. 
As we know, he succeeded only too well. 

Yet, all unconscious of impending disaster, the gay 
Court of Milan was at this time one round of lavish 
and splendid entertainments. In 1491 Lodovico Sforza, 



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at the age of thirty-nine, had married Beatrice d'Este, 
the sister of Isabella, Marchesa of Mantua, a young 
girl of sixteen, who is described to us in the most 
glowing terms as a ''mirror of Renaissance woman- 
hood." Her coming to Milan had much the same 
result as that of Isabella to Mantua, for she dearly 
loved state and magnificence, and had a passion for 
every form of dramatic entertainment. Her home at 
Ferrara had seen the beginning of Italian drama, as 
distinguished from the earlier form of sacra rappresen- 
tazione, which were usually performed in the squares 
of the city or in a church. But these new classical 
and profane subjects were acted before the Court, 
usually with some amount of scenery and realism. 

Thus when the MentEchmi of Plautus was repre- 
sented, a boat with sails and oars and ten persons on 
board was made to move across the stage, and excited 
enthusiastic applause. The Amphitryon of the same 
author was given with musical interludes ; there was 
a Paradise or Olympus represented, in which lamps 
took the place of stars, and little children were dressed 
as planets. Sometimes the classical plays were given 
in the original, but more commonly they were carefully 
translated. When Ercole of Ferrara came to Pavia, 
he brought a goodly company of young courtiers to 
perform a series of comedies. Thus they gave the 
Captivi, the Mercator, and the Pcenulns on three follow- 
ing evenings, and these entertainments often continued 
until long past midnight. 

On one carnival, Mopsa e Daphne^ the Pastoral play 
of Niccolo da Correggio, was performed with great 
appreciation, and besides various Italian plays there 
were splendid concerts, for on another occasion a com- 



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pany of wonderful Spanish musicians was sent to Milan 
from Rome by Cardinal Ascanio, and gave great 
delight to the assembled guests. It is impossible to 
convey a full impression of the glowing life and rich 
variety of entertainments, when gaiety reigned supreme 
in the city of Milan, and made Lodovico the idol of 
his Court. There were stately pageants whenever any 
illustrious visitor arrived, and splendid processions in 
which the common people could satisfy that southern 
joy in colour and sound and movement. As for those 
gay expeditions of noble lords and ladies from the 
sumptuous ducal villas near Milan, of which we have 
such full accounts in the letters of Messer Galeazzo 
and others, we read of fishing parties to Cussago 
enlivened on the way by music and singing, and of 
hawking by the river-side and over the low-lying meads 
with falcons whose skill and courage were a marvel to 
behold. Still more exciting were the hunting parties 
in the beautiful wooded valley of the Ticino, where we 
are told not only of stags, but of wild boars and goats, 
and even of an occasional bear or wolf . . . then 
"with much laughter and merriment" the gallant 
company would ride homeward through the evening 
shadows to close the day with feasting and dancing. 

We picture to ourselves Baldassare Castiglione during 
the period of his many-sided education at Milan, and 
find him taking some share in the gorgeous life of the 
epoch, surrounded by poets, musicians, and scholars. 
We know that he was specially attracted towards 
Galeazzo di Sanseverino, one of twelve mighty brothers, 
most of whom became famous ; a perfect knight, dis- 
tinguished in all courtly exercises, skilled in art, and 
a brilliant scholar. He was only one in a galaxy of 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

talent, where the young courtier might listen to the 
singing of Gaspare Visconti the devoted admirer of 
Petrarch, or take his part in a poetic tournament with 
Niccolo ''il gran Correggio," or talk of sonnets and 
of architecture with Bramante as he watched the build- 
ing of the new cupola of Santa Maria della Grazie, or 
best of all, when he might look on in silent reverence, 
as Leonardo da Vinci painted his Cenacolo in the 
refectory below. 

As for the delights of Milan itself, a few words of 
the contemporary Florentine Guicciardini cause them 
to stand out clearly before us: ''The city is not only 
full of joy and pleasure, of feasting and delight, but so 
wonderfully is it increased in riches, magnificence, and 
glory that it may certainly be called the most flourish- 
ing and happiest of all the cities of Italy." Castiglione 
never forgot the vivid impressions of his youth, and 
looked back upon the Castello of Milan as "being the 
abode of the flower of the human race," and in his 
Cortegiano he alludes thus to the Duchess Beatrice : 
"Had you but known her, you would never more 
wonder again at a woman's talent." 

Hitherto all had prospered with Lodovico, but the 
coming evil days were already casting their shadows 
for those who could read the signs of the times. 
Charles VIII had at length crossed the Alps and 
reached Asti, where the Duke of Bari and his wife 
hastened to welcome him with every token of joy and 
respect. Insignificant in person and plain in counten- 
ance, as we see from his portraits, which always look 
like caricatures, the French king showed himself most 
courteous in manner, and in accordance with the 
fashion of his country, kissed all the Court ladies, 
23 



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beginning with Duchess Beatrice herself. His sister, 
Anne de Beaujeu, received most glowing accounts of 
the beauty and magnificent dress of these Milanese 
ladies, and great festivals had been arranged when 
Charles unfortunately fell ill of smallpox. On his 
recovery a splendid reception was given him at Vive- 
gano by Lodovico, but, possibly reminded by Comines 
of his father's experience at Peronne, Charles asked 
for the keys of the Castle at night, while his guards 
watched the gates. The French king also insisted 
upon seeing Gian Galeazzo, the nominal Duke 
of Milan, who was very ill, and his wife Isabella, 
daughter of Alfonso of Naples, ''very sorrowful." 
She threw herself on her knees before him, and prayed 
that he would spare her father and brother, only to 
receive the reply that it was now too late, and she 
would do better to pray for her husband and herself. 

The King's forebodings were only too soon realised. 
Within a week the unfortunate young Duke of Milan 
was dead, whether by poison or not is one of the un- 
answered questions of history. Lodovico hastened 
back to Milan, and was at once proclaimed Duke in 
name, as he had long been in fact, for no one dared to 
assert the rights of Gian Galeazzo's infant son. Yet it 
is interesting to be told that in July, 1498, during the 
absence of Lodovico, when the small Duchetto used to 
ride about Milan, the little boys would run after him 
shouting "Ducha! Ducha ! " As soon as his great- 
uncle heard of this, he wrote that the boy should be 
shut up in the Castello, and promptly put an end to 
these rides. 

When Lodovico had received his investiture from 
the Emperor and was in undisturbed possession of the 
24 




Anderson, Photo 



BEATRICE D'ESTE 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

duchy, both he and his wife Beatrice would seem to 
have attained the height of their ambition. Yet in 
truth he was greatly disturbed by the unexpected 
success of Charles, whose arms were everywhere vic- 
torious. Still more serious was the presence of Louis 
Duke of Orleans with an army at Asti, as this was a 
standing menace. In his alarm, Lodovico approached 
the Venetians with the suggestion of forming a League 
to free Italy from the invading French. This was so 
much in accord with the general feeling that on Palm 
Sunday, 1495, the Pope, the Emperor, the King of 
Spain, Venice and Milan had joined this new League, 
which was publicly proclaimed in the Piazza of St. 
Mark. When Charles VIII heard the first rumour of 
this formidable alliance, he was revelling in the delights 
of conquered Naples, where, as Comines says, **he 
thought of nothing but pleasure." It was a rude 
awakening, but even then he scarcely realised the full 
extent of his danger. 

Meantime Francesco, Marchese of Mantua, had been 
appointed to the supreme command of the armies of the 
League, and Count Cristoforo Castiglione, the father 
of Baldassare, served as a condottiere under him. The 
allied forces consisted of about 25,000 men, and the 
Captain-General wrote to his wife at Mantua; '' I am at 
the head of the finest army which Italy has ever seen, 
that we may not only oppose but utterly destroy the 
French." We cannot dwell upon the tangled intrigues 
of the various States, or the hurried retreat of the King 
of France from Naples, so picturesquely told by 
Comines. '' Hitherto in all this voyage we had no 
war ; but now it began," he writes when, having with 
great labour and difftculty crossed the mountains and 

25 



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reached Fornovo, the French army found its further 
progress barred by the enemy. Charles had not more 
than 9000 men with him, as he had left garrisons in the 
various conquered cities. 

On Sunday, July 5, 1495, he encamped in the valley 
of the Toro, one of the four great river torrents which 
descend from the Apennines into the Emilian plain. 
Never has any battle been more vividly described, both 
from the French and Italian point of view, than that 
which followed the next day, when the French attempted 
to break through the encompassing host. The actual 
fighting scarcely lasted an hour, in the wildest con- 
fusion, amid thunder and lightning, while the rain 
fell in torrents. Attacked by the flower of the Italian 
chivalry, the French drove them back with much 
slaughter, in broken ranks ; while the Stradiots and 
Italian infantry had soon left the fray to hurl them- 
selves upon the royal baggage. We can well under- 
stand how from the French army came the warning 
cry, "Remember Guy negate !" that battle which they 
had lost in past days by turning aside to plunder the 
enemy's camp. 

The Marquis of Mantua fought with splendid personal 
courage, but showed himself a very poor general, for 
with his immensely superior force he could not prevent 
the army of Charles from crossing the river and making 
good their retreat to Asti with all their artillery. Both 
sides laid claim to the victory. The Italian loss was 
very heavy, about three thousand, including the brave 
Rodolfo Gonzaga, and other nobles, whilst thecondottiere 
Cristoforo Castiglione, Baldassare's father, never re- 
covered from the wounds which he received, and died 
the following summer at Mantua. Comines puts down 
26 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

the number of French slain as about a hundred, but 
this was probably an under-estimate. *' God Himself 
was our guide, and led us home with honour," he 
adds ; while Francesco of Mantua writes in a boastful 
letter to his sister, that he has '* brought forth the 
liberation and liberty of Italy." Nor did his self-decep- 
tion end here, as he caused Mantegna to paint for him 
a splendid votive picture, ** La Madonna della Vittoria," 
in which he appears. 

A noble character who rarely receives his due share 
of notice was Gilbert, Duke of Montpensier, the 
husband of Chiara Gonzaga, who had been left behind 
to hold Naples with less than 10,000 men, so that on 
the triumphant return of Ferrante the French were 
compelled to capitulate. Apparently forgotten by their 
king, they fought with desperate courage, but met with 
constant disaster until they were reduced to the last 
extremity by famine and disease. The brave Gilbert 
de Montpensier behaved like a hero to the last, for he 
refused all the persuasions of Francesco Gonzaga to 
leave his fever-stricken soldiers, and he died in their 
midst at Puzzuolo.^ 

When Cristoforo Castiglione returned home after 
Fornovo, we have every reason to believe that his son 
Baldassare was with him during his last illness. How- 
ever absorbed the young scholar may have been in his 
new life, the claims of family affection were too strong 
to keep him at a distance from his home in that time of 
sorrow. His was essentially a home-loving, affectionate 
nature, as we see him in the whole course of his letters 
to his mother, taking ever the keenest interest in all 

^ For full details, see Queen of Queens.^ by Christopher Hare, p. 259. 
(Harper Brothers.) 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

that concerns his three sisters— Polissena, Francesca, 
and Anna — and his young brother Jeronimo, 

There appears to be some uncertainty about the 
exact date when Baldassare first went to Milan ; at 
least, one historian suggests that it was not until the 
year 1496, when he was seventeen years of age. But 
this statement is difficult to reconcile with the con- 
stantly repeated assurance of so many writers that the 
Mantuan youth was a pupil in Milan of the famous Latin 
professor, Giorgio Merula, who is well known to have 
died in 1494. It is possible that these two versions 
may be reconciled by supposing that when Baldassare 
Castiglione went to Milan after his father's death in 
June, 1496, it was his second term of residence in the 
city. 

This is rendered the more probable when we remem- 
ber in the Cortegiano his intimate remembrance of the 
Duchess Beatrice, whom he would otherwise scarcely 
have known, as she died early in January, 1497. 

We must now return to a brief account of the history 
of Milan after the battle of Fornovo, in so far as it is 
needful for following the career of our hero. 

After long and tedious negotiations, a peace was 
patched up, Novara was given up by Louis of Orleans, 
and, to the great satisfaction of all Italy, Charles VIII 
crossed the Alps and returned home before the end of 
the year. There were great festivities that Christmas 
at the Court of Milan, for Lodovico felt that fortune 
once more smiled upon him : he was delivered from 
all his enemies and rivals, and could look forward to 
a future of unclouded prosperity. Yet in truth from 
this time began the misfortunes which overwhelmed 
him in rapid succession. In the autumn of 1496 his 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

illegitimate daughter Bianca, the beautiful young wife 
of Galeazzo San Severino, died suddenly, to his great 
grief; and the following January he had to mourn the 
more bitter loss of the Duchess Beatrice, in the very 
prime of life and hope ; she was but twenty. His 
sorrow may have been deepened by remorse for the 
grief he had caused her in devoting himself so much 
to Cecilia Gallerani and Lucrezia Crevelli. Yet he 
showed almost as much interest and affection for the 
children of these ladies as for the two sons of Beatrice, 
Massimiliano and Francesco. 

Comines remarks that in Italy there was but little 
difference made between legitimate and illegitimate 
children, and we certainly find him justified at this 
period. Of the House of Este, the greatest rulers of 
Ferrara, Leonello and Borso — not to mention ten of 
their brothers and sisters — were born outside the pale 
of wedlock. In the House of Sforza the same held 
true of the great Francesco himself, seven of his 
daughters and four of his sons, and a large proportion 
of all his relations. There was no secrecy about such 
matters, for Cardinal Ippolyto dei Medici founded his 
claim to Florence on his being, although illegitimate, 
"at all events the son of a gentlewoman, not like 
Duke Alessandro, whose mother was a peasant girl." 
It is needless to give more instances, for the genealogy 
of every reigning family in Italy is complicated with 
similar details. If there were a good dowry, the fact 
of illegitimacy was scarcely considered in a marriage 
contract. So many near of kin were indeed always 
useful, as they formed a kind of clan for mutual pro- 
tection and advancement — at least, when it was once 
firmly established who was to be head of the family. 
29 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

Charles VIII of France died in April, 1498, and was 
succeeded by Louis Duke of Orleans, whose first 
thought and ambition was to plan a new campaign in 
Italy, and Lodovico was not slow in realising that 
Milan would be the first point of attack. In the hour 
of his triumph it had been II Moro's proud boast that 
"Pope Alexander VI was his chaplain, the Emperor 
Maximilian his condottiere, Venice his chamberlain, 
and the King of France his courier to come and go at 
his bidding." Now all was changed, and in his deepest 
need he had scarcely an ally whom he could trust in 
Italy, and none whose succour arrived in time ; while 
outside there was but the doubtful friendship with the 
Sultan and the support of the distant Emperor Maxi- 
milian. We have no space to dwell upon the oft-told 
tale which has been so fully dwelt upon elsewhere,^ of 
Lodovico's downfall and the victorious campaign of 
Louis XII. The end had come when on that sad 
autumn day of 1499 the Duke sent away his two little 
boys under the care of his brother Cardinal Ascanio 
and their governess Camilla Sforza, followed by a long 
train of baggage mules bearing his most precious 
jewels and his treasure of 240,000 gold ducats. He 
joined them two days later on his way to Maximilian 
in the Tyrol, and the French at once entered Milan. 

It is noteworthy that immediately after Louis XII 
began hostilities, the relations of Baldassare Castiglione 
showed their anxiety that the young man should return 
to Mantua and enter the military service of Francesco 
Gonzaga. On April 27, his uncle, Giovanni Pietro da 
Gonzaga, wrote to the secretary of the Marchese, who 
was then at Naples, alluding to the great loss which 

' Ladies of the Italian Hoiaissance, C. Hare. (Harper Brothers.) 
30 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

the Magnifico Cristoforo had been to his prince, and 
offering his son, ''who is now at Milan," to the service 
of *'His Magnificence," that he may follow in his 
father's steps. The next we hear of young Castiglione 
is when the Marchese Francesco, in his eagerness to 
bow down before the rising sun, set forth in haste from 
Mantua to welcome the coming of the French king 
with a numerous escort. However, he was met by a 
message from the provisional government, and having 
at their request sent back the greater part of his com- 
pany, he was very glad to have done so when he found 
how expensive lodging was at Milan ! His own house 
had been looted in the disorder of the French occupa- 
tion, and his people had much difficulty in cleaning it 
and borrowing a little necessary furniture ; we hear 
that Count Gilberto Borromeo lent him "trois lits 
garnis. " When the Marchese — careful man ! — found that 
he had already spent 300 ducats in honour of the King, 
he reduced his escort still further, keeping only with 
him Luigi Cesare de Gonzaga, Baldassare Castiglione, 
and Uberto de Glinbere. 

On the 29th of September he went to Pavia to await 
the coming of Louis XII, and two days later he had 
the satisfaction of receiving a visit from his nephew 
Charles of Bourbon, Duke of Montpensier. Chiara 
Gonzaga, the mother of this splendid young prince of 
seventeen, had taken up her abode entirely at Mantua 
after the death of her husband, and dwelt there until 
her death in poverty and seclusion. Meantime the boy 
Charles seems to have had many friends at Court ; we 
hear of him as the playfellow of Fran9ois, the future 
king, and he was almost adopted by the great Anne of 
France, who watched over his education and had be- 
31 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

trothed him to her only daughter Susanne, the heiress 
of Bourbon. 

On the 2nd of October, 1499, the Marchese of 
Mantua, with young Castiglione in his train, rode 
two miles outside the town in very heavy rain to meet 
the King of France, and afterwards with Ercole of 
Ferrara, and many other Italian princes, formed part 
of the conqueror's triumphal progress into Milan, 
where the last act of treachery had already taken place 
by the base surrender of the great Castello. On the 
8th of October, 1499, Castiglione writes a most inter- 
esting letter to his brother-in-law Messer Jacomo Bos- 
chetto, who had married his eldest sister Madonna 
Polissena. He gives a vivid description of the tri- 
umphant entry into the city with flying banners and 
trumpets sounding, the horsemen in green and red, 
five hundred archers on foot with the same colours, the 
men-at-arms and the splendid guard of the French 
king, said to be entirely composed of knights and 
gentlemen. Next rode the King's Majesty Louis XII, 
attended by his general Trivulzio, the Duke of Ferrara 
and his sons, with most of the princes of Italy, *'our 
Marchese Francesco" riding beside the young Duke 
of Montpensier, while there followed a sumptuous 
train of ** lords and gentlemen without number, pre- 
lates, Milanese, and many strangers passing through 
the decorated streets to the great Castello." 

On the following Monday there was a solemn Mass 
at the church of San Ambrogio, attended by all the 
lords above mentioned, the Mass being sung by the 
Bishop of Piacenza. On Tuesday morning 'Ml Signer 
nostro," with two or three cavaliers, each bearing a 
falcon on his wrist, accompanied the King's Majesty 
32 




Hanfstaengl, Photo 



CARDINAL IPPOLITO DEI MEDICI 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

into the country, where they had a day's hawk- 
ing. "We hope that now our matters will greatly 
prosper," concludes Castiglione, much impressed by 
this special sign of friendship towards the Marchese 
of Mantua. 

The French king certainly appears to have forgotten 
his ally's most crooked position in the past, and to 
have loaded Francesco with honours, enrolling him in 
the service of France at a salary of 12,000 francs. 
Most of the other princes who had crowded to welcome 
Louis XII received very different treatment, and had 
to pay heavily for his protection. 

Calmly considered, we cannot admire the conduct of 
either Francesco Gonzaga or his wife at this crucial 
moment. They proved themselves to be arrant time- 
servers. Only a few months before, Lodovico Sforza 
was their dearest friend ; there was a constant inter- 
change of affectionate letters and presents between 
them ; but now they were both ready to cringe before 
his conqueror and take a part in all the rejoicings over 
his fall. Moreover, it was always Isabella d'Este's 
way, when her friends happened to be cast out of their 
homes, to grasp with greedy haste at all their most 
cherished possessions which she had probably coveted 
for years. In the case of any ordinary woman of our 
acquaintance such behaviour would be condemned as 
heartless. Thus the Marchesa wrote to Antonio Palla- 
vicino, who had so basely betrayed his lord, imploring 
him to lose no time in securing for her a marvellous 
clavichord of Beatrice's which had always been an 
object of envy to her. Now that the cause of Lodovico 
was irrevocably lost, she hastened to pay her court to 
the French king, and with her usual diplomacy suc- 
D 33 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

ceeded in gaining his favour. Yet it must be set 
down to Isabella's account that she received her 
exiled friends with kindly hospitality, so long as 
their presence at Mantua was no source of danger to 
herself. 

As we only touch upon the history of Italy in so 
far as it is connected with the fortunes of Baldassare 
Castiglione, we pass over the next few months until 
the final disastrous effort of Lodoyico to regain his 
duchy, when Francesco of Mantua, in spite of his 
close alliance with France, sent his brother Giovanni 
Gonzaga to fight on the side of his brother-in-law. 
This breach of faith well-nigh proved his ruin, for 
Louis XII had serious thoughts of taking Mantua from 
him and exchanging it with Venice for Cremona and 
the Gera d'Adda, but finally the matter was com- 
promised by a large money payment of the contrite 
Marchese to the French king. We know how, after 
the fatal siege of Novara, the hapless II Moro expiated 
his treason to Italy by that long living death in the 
Castle of Loches — *'a narrow prison thus enclosing 
the thoughts and ambitions of him whom first the 
boundaries of Italy could scarce confine." 

Yet if Baldassare's present lord escaped his deserts, 
the future friend and master of the young courtier was 
in deadly peril, as Pope Alexander was triumphantly 
carrying out his plan of building up a great Italian 
kingdom for his son. He began by publishing Bulls 
declaring that Rimini, Pesaro, Imola, Forli, Urbino, 
and other States of Romagna were forfeited to the 
Holy See, their tribute being unpaid. This was in 
1500, the year of Jubilee, when the pilgrims to Rome 
saw with dismay Caesare Borgia receive the Golden 
34 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Rose, and heard him hailed as already conqueror of 
Forli and Imola. Amongst the visitors to the Sacred 
City was the pious Elisabetta, Duchess of Urbino, 
and as her House was under sentence of destruction, 
Francesco Gonzaga had been anxious to dissuade her 
from the perilous journey ; but fortunately his sister 
performed her pilgrimage devotions safely, under the 
protection of her Colonna friends. 

There was indeed cause for alarm, as before the 
Jubilee year was over, Ccesare had set forth on his 
conquering passage through Romagna with a great 
army, paid for by the alms of the pilgrims and the sale 
of twelve Cardinals' hats at the September Consistory. 
A new and startling piece of diplomacy on the part of 
the Borgia Pope gave a brief respite to all who were 
akin to the Este family. It was nothing less than the 
marriage of his daughter Lucrezia with Alfonso, the 
heir of Ferrara, to which the proud Duke Ercole was 
compelled to submit. Duke Guidobaldo received the 
twice-widowed bride in the doomed palace of Urbino, 
and the Duchess Elisabetta conducted her with kindly 
courtesy in her state progress across the mountains 
and by river ways, past the ravaged cities of Romagna 
to the gorgeous wedding at Ferrara which was to set 
the seal on Alexander's triumph. This was in January, 
1502, and the gracious lady of Urbino was but ill 
repaid for her courteous escort when, within a few 
months, Caesare Borgia treacherously and suddenly 
invaded her husband's dominions, and the whole 
duchy was lost in a day. 

It so chanced that Elisabetta had been paying a most 
enjoyable visit to Venice with Isabella d'Este, and had 
only returned with her in June to her villa near 
35 



COURTS AND CAMPS 



fugitive, having barely escaped with his life by a mid- 
night flight, and had since been hunted from place to 
place. Both Francesco and his wife received the illus- 
trious exile with every expression of sympathy, and it 
was very probably on this occasion that Baldassare 
Castiglione — then in his home at Mantua with his 
mother, Isabella's inseparable friend — first made close 
acquaintance with his beloved future lord. 

All her pity and love for her near relations could not 
change the Marchesa's nature. With her sharp eye to 
business, she lost no time in trying to secure her share 
of those priceless treasures in the palace of Urbino — 
paintings, statues, tapestries, gold and silver plate, 
books and manuscripts . . . which the brigand Caesare 
was at that moment carrying off as his spoil, by long 
processions of mules, from the hill city. With her usual 
excellent taste, the lady had set her heart upon a beautiful 
antique Venus and a Cupid of Michelangelo, which 
the conquering Borgia sent to her at once, with other 
marbles, by his Chamberlain. It may be noted here 
that, when Guidobaldo once more regained his home 
and begged for the return of his much-valued statues, 
Isabella made a polite excuse for keeping them in her 
own possession. 

Following the chronicle of Baldassare Castiglione, 
we find him the next month, July 21, 1502, at Vigevano, 
in the suite of the Marchese Francesco, who had once 
more gone to meet Louis XII and conduct him to 
Milan. Here the victims of Borgia treachery, the 
lords of Urbino and Pesaro, in vain sought the French 
king's help, for Caesare promptly arrived and made 
close alliance, defensive and offensive, with His Majesty, 
36 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

who was also pleasantly entertained with feasting and 
dancing. 

France and Spain were soon about to enter upon a 
bitter contest for the spoils of conquered Naples, and in 
order to gain the help of the Pope, Louis was quite 
willing to connive at the aggressions in central Italy 
of the Borgia, whom he had already made Duke of 
Valentino. We cannot enter into the varied fortunes 
of this disastrous campaign, but after the French defeat 
at Cerignola in April, 1 503, which decided the possession 
of Naples for Gonsalvo di Cordova, the Great Captain, 
Louis XII raised another army under the command of 
La Tremouille, which was joined by an Italian con- 
tingent under the Marchese of Mantua. In the course 
of his knightly training, young Castiglione served in his 
company, and had his first experience of real warfare 
under the most trying circumstances. The French army 
and its allies were opposed and beaten back at every 
point by Gonsalvo, the great Spanish Captain, "whose 
marvellous genius and magnetic influence over his men 
seemed to make them invincible, in spite of being half- 
fed, without pay, and in the midst of a hostile and 
desolated country."^ 

In August the whole of Christendom was thrilled 
with exultation by the sudden death of Pope Alexander 
VI. There was a pause of suspense in the contending 
armies of France and Spain, which both drew near 
Rome to control, if possible, the election of the new 
Pope. The result was a compromise, but the infirm 
old man Pius III lived barely a month, and was 
succeeded on October 31, 1503, by Giuliano della 
Rovere, who took the title of Julius II. This warrior 

^ Queen of Queens, C. Hare, p. 323. 
37 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

Pope, *'who made his tiara a helmet and his crosier a 
sword," seized the reins of power with a strong hand 
and completely overthrew the Borgia policy. 

Meanwhile a serious misfortune had befallen the 
French army in the illness of its general La Tremouille, 
when the chief command fell to Francesco of Mantua, 
a soldier of great personal courage, but a very poor 
leader. He had not shown much enthusiasm so far, 
as the news of Pope Alexander's death reached him 
far off from the scene of action, and we know from a 
letter of Castiglione's, that some of his young officers 
were apparently waiting his orders in Rome at the 
beginning of October. After many delays and some 
desperate assaults on various fortresses, the two armies 
at length took a stand on either bank of the river Garig- 
liano, the ancient Liris which falls into the Gulf of 
Gaeta. In this marshy swamp, amid heavy rains, 
when the soldiers on both sides sickened and died of 
disease and famine, the Marchese Francesco fell ill, and 
being no longer able to endure "the pride, the discord, 
and the disobedience of the French army," threw up 
his command and obtained permission to return home. 
The young Count Baldassare, who appears to have 
been in his immediate suite, departed with his lord, and 
was suffered to attain his heart's desire by paying a 
visit to Rome, that splendid city, the chosen abode of 
art and learning, which as with a magnet drew all 
kindred souls within its walls. 



38 



CHAPTER III 

1503-1506 

Death of Pope Alexander VI— Duke Guidobaldo 

REGAINS URBINO— CASTIGLIONE LEAVES THE SERVICE 

OF Francesco, Marchese of Mantua, to take arms 
UNDER Guidobaldo of Urbino — Gonfaloniere of the 
Church— Life in camp— Letters of Baldassare Cas- 
tiglione to his mother— At the Court of Urbino— 
A mission to Rome. 



The death of Pope Alexander VI and the fall of 
the Borgia power had far-reaching consequences, 
and, by a side issue, had great influence on the life of 
Baldassare Castiglione and his migration to the Court 
of Urbino. 

The startling news within a few days reached Venice, 
where Duke Guidobaldo and his wife had received a 
hospitable welcome in September, 1502, nearly a year 
before, when the Gonzagas could no longer offer them 
a home at Mantua. Guidobaldo lost not a moment ; 
he set forth at once for Urbino, where his loyal people 
drove out the soldiers of Caesare Borgia, and received 
their Duke with acclamation. In one day the whole 
duchy returned to its allegiance, and the enthusiasm of 
the hill-city knew no bounds. The children crowded 
to greet their exiled lord bearing olive branches, and 
hailing him with songs ; mothers brought their babes 
in arms, old men wept for joy, and the universal triumph 
39 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

was so great that Castiglione says : ''The very stones 
seemed to rejoice and sing." 

Other cities of Romagna followed the example of 
Urbino in throwing off the Borgia yoke, but a fresh 
difficulty arose, for Guidobaldo was now in the pay of 
Venice, and it was evident that there would be a 
struggle between the Republic and Pope Julius for 
possession of the dominions of Cassare. Thereupon 
the Duke of Urbino went to Rome on the 21st of 
November, in obedience to the summons of the Pope, 
his friend and near kinsman, in order to discuss this 
difficult matter, and it was settled that Guidobaldo 
should courteously resign the service of Venice, leave 
Urbino under the rule of his Duchess, and himself 
remain for some months at the Papal Court. We have 
a Venetian letter telling how "there came into the 
presence of the Signori the Duchess Elisabetta with 
Madonna Emilia and her company of maidens to take 
leave, for she is departing home early to-morrow 
morning ; she goes in a bucentaur by the Po as far 
as Ravenna, and from thence on horseback ; and the 
Doge spake her fair, and, having taken leave, we 
Sages of the Order accompanied her as far as the 
palace gates, and she proceeded along the Merceria, 
reaching home on December 2." The seneschal of 
the Duchess relates how ''after suffering from bad 
weather, bad roads, and bad hostelries," the gracious 
lady was welcomed back with even greater joy and 
affection than her husband, the people thronging down 
the hill to meet her four miles from the castle gates of 
Urbino. 

In the meantime, we are chiefly interested in the fact 
that while Duke Guidobaldo remained in Rome for the 
40 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

winter, he renewed his acquaintance with Castiglione, 
and won his devoted affection. This alone may have 
been a sufficient reason for the young courtier's desire 
to enter the Duke's service, in which a friend and 
kinsman of his, Cesare Gonzaga, was already enrolled. 
But it is quite possible that there were other causes 
which made Baldassare desire a change of patron. 
Francesco of Mantua does not strike us as a very noble 
or amiable character ; he was rough in manner, often 
surly and ill-tempered, and had very small share in his 
wife's intellectual tastes. Indeed, he wrote to her once 
about his little son that *'he did not mean the child to 
have much book-learning." That the Marchese was a 
brave soldier was not enough to win the whole-hearted 
allegiance of so cultured and many-sided a character as 
Castiglione, who found in the gracious, high-minded 
scholar and gentleman, Guidobaldo, a friend and 
master after his own heart. 

In any case, on May 27, 1504, the Duke of Urbino 
writes a most courteous letter to the Marchese of 
Mantua, saying that as he is forming a company of 
men-at-arms, he prays His Excellency to permit 
Baldassare Castiglione to enter his service. This 
was the cold brief answer, which gives a hint of 
Francesco's wounded pride, but scarcely prepares us 
for the vindictive hatred which he long felt for his 
former favourite : 

''Illmo. Sig. Duca. Quando a Baldassare de Cas- 
tione piacira il venire a servire V. Sig. per la parte 
nostra siamo molto contenti e se in altro la possemo 
compiacere siamo piu che mai disposti. Gonzaga, 
9junis, 1504. 

"Francesco Gonzaga." 
41 



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Baldassare also wrote a most respectful and sub- 
missive letter to the Marchese, stating his wish to 
serve the Duke of Urbino, but expressing his intention 
to be entirely guided by the will of His Excellency, and 
signing himself " Di V. ra Ex"^ fidelissimo Servitore, 
Baldassare Castiglione. Mantua, lo June, 1504." 

The Marchese of Mantua thus replied : 

"Baldassare. As we have replied to the Sig. Duca 
d'Urbino when he asked permission to be your leader, 
thus we say again to you that in regard to us, we 
are content that you should serve him, and we give 
you good permission. Respects (Reveri). 11 June, 
1504." 

It was quite true that Guidobaldo was forming a 
company of men-at-arms, for Pope Julius had just 
appointed him Gonfaloniere of the Church, with a 
yearly pay of 7000 ducats, that he might subdue the 
citadels of Romagna which the Castellans still held 
in the name of Caesare Borgia, notwithstanding his 
abject submission to the Pope and the Duke of Urbino. 
The closest bond between these two last was their 
young nephew, Francesco Maria della Rovere, — son of 
the Pope's brother Giovanni, Prefect of Rome, and the 
Duke's sister Giovanna. This lad of fourteen was 
acknowledged as his successor by Guidobaldo, who 
was tenderly attached to him. The young Prefettino, 
as he was called, had recently returned from France, 
where he had taken refuge from the Borgia plots, and 
had been page of honour to Gaston de Foix, receiv- 
ing from Louis XII the distinguished Order of St. 
Michael. 

When Guidobaldo set forth on this expedition, his 
nephew accompanied him and Castiglione, with a com- 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

mand of fifty men-at-arms. Already Fano, Faenza, 
and Rimini had surrendered, and the garrisons of 
Cesena and Bertinoro soon came to terms. But an 
unfortunate incident occurred, as when Baldassare was 
going to the camp before Cesena, his horse fell and he 
received a severe injury to his foot. With charac- 
teristic fortitude he remained in the field, but possibly 
on this account the accident had more serious results, 
and he suffered from the wound for a long time after- 
wards. He mentions it in a very interesting letter to 
his mother, written at the siege of Forli whose Cas- 
tellan, in secret understanding with Cassare, still stood 
out, unmoved by threats or bribes : 

" 12 August, 1504. Alia Magnifica e Generosa 
Donna, M. Aloisia da Castiglione. Madre sua Ono- 
randa." . . . He is glad to hear about the new little 
nephew, and sends friendly greeting to the father and 
mother (Tommaso Strozzi and Francesca). . . ''Accord- 
ing to the conditions ... I have provision from the 
Illustrious Sig. Duca of 400 ducats for my person, and 
50 men-at-arms . . . with a companion who will prob- 
ably be M. Cesare Gonzaga. . . . The detestable 
enterprise of this Rocca [fort on a rock] will cost us 
dear, as all this country has done ... it is a pity. I 
have touched no money yet, but I think that I shall 
have 100 ducats to-day, as I have heard the Sig. Duca 
received 1000 ducats yesterday. . . . Sebastian cannot 
know much about me . . . because the first day I 
went to Cesena I had other things to think about than 
my condition. This foot has made me see the stars in 
the middle of the day. ... I wish I were free from 
pain, which I certainly am not ; if I go very gently it 
does not hurt me, but I can do no other. ... I have 

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sent you several letters. ... I pray Magnificenza 
Vostra to be of good cheer, as I am . . . and although 
I grieve at being so far from my country and so many 
people whom I love, yet I content myself in the midst 
of these troubles with having a quiet mind . . . ed 
alia M. V. mi raccomando " (which may be some- 
what freely translated, ''and to Your Magnificence I 
send loving greeting "). 

I have already alluded to the keen home feeling of 
Castiglione, and his warm interest in all that con- 
cerned his family and friends in Mantua. Of his three 
sisters, Polissena the eldest had been married some 
time to Messer Jacomo Boschetto, Francesca married 
the learned Tommaso Strozzi of Mantua, and the 
youngest, Anna, who appears to have been his special 
favourite, was brought up for the cloistered life. We 
have also constant allusions to the young brother 
Jeronimo. But the close love and perfect confidence 
which existed between Baldassare and his mother is 
proclaimed in every page of his private letters, of 
which so great a number have been preserved. It was 
one of those intimate, perfect friendships "which have 
mastered Time " ; a sympathy so complete that years of 
absence could not dim it, and distance was no barrier, 
for the son had found in his mother a faithful comrade 
to whom he could pour out his soul alike in sorrow and 
in joy, and her reign was unchallenged until his latest 
breath. 

All the years of his happy childhood were spent 
under her watchful care, and it was Madonna Aloisia 
who moulded his youthful tastes and guided the course 
of his varied studies. A woman of cultivated tastes 
and high attainments herself, she rejoiced in the boy's 

44 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

responsive eagerness and talent, and when the oppor- 
tunity occurred for him to complete his education at 
the Court of Milan, she suffered no personal feeling 
of natural affection to keep him with her at Mantua. A 
worthy descendant of Farinata degli Uberti, the great 
Ghibelline chief, she could show courage herself, and 
make any sacrifice in later years to advance her gallant 
son's knightly training. After her husband's death, 
Madonna Aloisia was left in charge of her son's patri- 
mony at Casatico and other parts of Mantuan territory, 
and although the revenue rarely sufficed for the heavy 
claims which Castiglione's high position made upon 
it, with his lord always deeply in his debt, yet his 
mother never shrank from her heavy task, but met all 
his appeals with unfailing devotion. A knight sans 
peur et sans reproche, as we may almost venture to call 
him, Baldassare proved himself worthy of such a 
mother's love, and these letters seem to run like a silver 
thread through the whole texture of his ever-changing 
life. We find a curious simplicity in them ; there are 
no repeated professions of affection, for between these 
two the half-spoken word was understood, and there 
was no need to fan the flame of love. It is interesting 
to note the respectful form of address which the son 
always uses — '' Magnificenza Vostra," shortened to 
*<il/. F.," or "VostraSignoria"— ^T.^.," ''Alia Magni- 
fica e Generosa Donna," ''Madre Sua Onoranda," etc. 
All the letters of Baldassare Castiglione — of which 
several hundreds may still be seen in various collec- 
tions — are delightful reading, for he gives a vivid 
picture of the manners and customs of his time, and 
his clear insight into the striking events and characters 
around him is often tinctured with genial humour, and, 
45 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

above all, with that Christian chivalry which makes 
the best of every one. But there is a special charm 
about his leftere famigliari in which, amid his own 
splendid and adventurous career, he finds leisure to 
sympathise with every domestic event in his family ; 
to congratulate a sister on the birth or progress of a 
little son, to take a deep concern in the ambitions of 
his younger brother Jeronimo, to inquire after the well- 
being of old retainers, and above all to send constant 
loving messages to his sister Anna, the future nun. 
We can quite understand that when dowries had been 
found, probably with some difficulty, for the two elder 
sisters, Polissena and Francesca, it was necessary to 
economise on the youngest girl by placing her in a 
convent, and with this view she would probably be 
brought up in an especially saintly way ; indeed, we 
are told of this Anna that '^her life was more angelic 
than human." In great Italian families it was the 
usual thing to have at least one daughter a nun ; we 
find that the Marchesa Isabella, the great friend of 
Madonna Aloisia, devoted two girls to the conventual 
life : Ippolyta, who entered the Dominican Convent of 
S. Vincenza, and Livia Osanna, who, like Anna Cas- 
tiglione, became a Poor Clare in the Convent of Santa 
Paola of Mantua. 

Amongst other points which strike us in the Cas- 
tiglione letters, one is the great difficulty and expense 
of sending them by special messenger, and their in- 
security, for they might be lost or fall into other hands, 
and there are frequent warnings not to write anything 
confidential — that must be conveyed by word of mouth. 
We marvel at the great cost of knightly arms, accoutre- 
ment, state garments, and needful jewellery for cour- 
46 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

tiers ; we are also surprised at the large amount spent 
in presents to cardinals, ambassadors, and others. It 
must be remembered that at this period almost every- 
one was willing to accept bribes, and that as there were 
no convenient bank-notes, these had to be given in the 
ponderous and barefaced form of a long train of mules 
bearing treasure. A splendid rider in an age when 
this was the first essential of a gentleman, Baldassare 
appears to have had a large establishment near Casatico 
for the growth and ** manege" of young horses, and 
we have constant mention of his buying well-known 
coursers, and of his sending some special groom to try 
the various horses and select one for his own use. It 
is curious to notice in passing how very short of money 
all these great nobles and magnificent knights seem to 
have been, as a chronic condition. 

Before the end of August, 1504, the citadel of Forli 
was at length surrendered ; the castellan is said to have 
received a direct order from Csesare Borgia, who was 
promised his freedom on that account, but the great 
Gonsalvo was compelled to break his word and send his 
prisoner to Spain, where he passes out of our story to 
exile and death. On the 9th of September Castiglione 
wrote thus to his mother from Urbino : 

**. . . You have heard of our having at length 
arrived at Urbino, by the Grace of God, safe and 
sound, on Friday last, the 6th . . . with great joy, 
for we all desired to come here. What little we have 
been able to do in that short time, we have done in 
setting the house in order. ... La Sig. Duchessa and 
Madonna Emilia send you greeting. . . . My foot is 
getting better, but very slowly. I would pray you to 
send me some fine white cloth for a pair of hose, as it 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

is not to be had here, and also the couple of emeralds 
[an escutcheon of his], and ask Jeronimo to send me 
the ' Stanze Volgari ' of Poliziano . . . e alia Magnifi- 
cenza Vostra mi raccomando." 

If young Castiglione had to set his house in order, 
how much more was this the case with the Duke and 
Duchess, who had returned to find their stately home 
robbed and despoiled of all its splendid treasures. But 
by degrees they had the satisfaction of recovering 
many of their precious possessions, especially the 
greater part of the famous library. But the priceless 
tapestries of the Trojan War were lost for ever, and 
so were many other exquisite works of art, such as the 
Venus and Cupid which Isabella d'Este insisted on 
keeiping. There were great doings at Urbino that 
September, 1504, for the Archbishop of Ragusa arrived 
as Papal Nuncio that he might solemnly present to 
Guidobaldo the ensigns of command as Ge7ieralissimo 
of the Pope's army. There was another magnificent 
ceremony in the Duomo to proclaim young Francesco 
Maria successor to his uncle's duchy, when all the 
deputies took their oath of allegiance to the young 
prince. 

From this time we may date the commencement of 
' * the few golden years " of Castiglione's life. The palace 
of Urbino, built in its ''hard and sharp situation" on 
the summit of a rock, became for him a kind of " island 
of the blest, the abode of mirth and joy and high 
philosophy," to which he looked back with tender 
memories all the rest of his days. The young courtier 
was received with special favour by Elisabetta Gonzaga, 
the peerless Duchess, "whose idolater he forthwith 
became." She was the sovereign of all the galaxy of 
48 




Anderson, Photo 



C^SARE BORGIA 



Raphael 
To face p. 48 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

talent, brilliant cavaliers, poets and scholars, musicians 
and artists, who visited the Court of Urbino or sought 
a home there. Of all these Castiglione has painted 
for us so vivid and splendid a picture in his Cortegiano, 
which we shall dwell upon fully hereafter, that any- 
mere historical description would be flat and tame. 

Of Baldassare himself at this time we have a most 
striking and attractive portrait. He is spoken of as 
very handsome in face and person ; of great stature, 
well formed, and of fine proportions, with ''quite a 
royal presence." He was light and dexterous, an adept 
at all games of strength and skill, a splendid horseman, 
a good fencer, and a most graceful dancer. His ready 
wit and eloquence, his literary taste and real learning 
never unduly put forward, made him a popular member 
of society in the most distinguished Courts of Europe. 
Moreover, he was "liberal and generous beyond his 
means, magnanimous, religious, modest, of admirable 
integrity and great prudence." Such was the verdict 
of his contemporaries on this " Admirable Crichton " of 
his day. 

Castiglione was in high favour with Duke Guido- 
baldo, and was constantly employed in missions of high 
trust. Thus during this autumn of 1504, we find in 
his letters to his mother that he was hoping to see her 
at Mantua, but this plan is abruptly checked, evidently 
by the ill-will of the Marchese towards him. He thus 
writes: ''. . . I am not going to Mantua, which I 
never think of without a grey hair coming, and if it 
were not for M.V. [his mother] I would never give a 
thought to the place. ..." At this time Duke Ercole 
was very ill, and as it was important to find out how 
the succession was likely to go, Castiglione was to be 

E 49 



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sent to Ferrara. He arranges that an old Mantuan 
friend, II Falcone, now tutor to his brother Jeronimo, 
should meet him there. In December he writes from 
that city, and speaks of his warm reception from the 
Illustrissimi Alfonso, Ferdinando, and Giulio da Este, 
the sons of the Duke, and also from Madonna Lucrezia 
Borgia, the wife of Alfonso. She inquired after his 
mother and sisters, and desired to be kindly remem- 
bered to them. 

All Italy was on the alert when good Duke Ercole 
died, on January 25, 1505, but his son Alfonso succeeded 
to the duchy in peace, and rode at once in state through 
Ferrara, clad in white, the ducal crown on his head, 
with the Visdomino of Venice on one side and on the 
other Cardinal Ippolyto, the brother whose intrigues 
had been most feared. There was a heavy storm of 
wind and snow at the time which, in the light of after 
events, was looked upon as an omen of trouble. Pope 
Julius was by no means pleased with the new Duke's 
devotion to Venice, as Castiglione soon had occasion 
to hear, for his next letter is dated from Rome, where 
Guidobaldo was suddenly summoned by the Pope. 

"... I went with the Duke as far as Narni, and 
there his gout was so bad with a little fever that he was 
unable to continue his journey. . . ." He was ill when 
he left Urbino, but Julius had sent a special litter for him, 
hung between two beautiful dappled horses. After 
about nine days Guidobaldo made a great effort to reach 
Rome, and arrived in bitterly wintry weather at S. 
Maria del Popolo, where Castiglione tells us that they 
slept outside the gate, and next morning made a solemn 
entry into the city. Amongst others, the Duke was 
met by Sigismondo Gonzaga, Bishop-elect of Mantua, 
50 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

brother of the Marchese Francesco. There is a new 
note of caution in this letter : 

" I cannot tell you the fresh matters, as they do not 
belong to Mantua. . . . Do not write anything which 
everybody may not read, as many letters are inter- 
cepted. . . . Tell M. Jacomo that M. Galeazzo his 
brother is well. M. Cesare and I are lodged in San 
Pietro, in the house of the Cardinal da Este. . . . All 
quite well, and without a quattrino in the world. ..." 

On January 22, Castiglione writes : 

'* As I know that la Magn. Vostra likes to have letters, 
I am moved to write, although I have no new thing to 
tell. . . . Here in Rome, four days out of five there 
blows a bitter wind ... it was at first so mild that 
roses were seen everywhere as in May. . . . Many 
dramas are performed in Rome ; these cardinals and 
prelates never miss one. For my part, they do not 
please me much. ... I have great thirst for letters 
from home . . . since I left Ferrara I have had none. 
... I beg you M. V. to write of our special matters . . . 
and M. Tommaso nostro and M. Francesco, and 
M. Aloisia da Gonzaga to write to me and not to 
consider my infinite worthlessness. And even if I am 
debtor for several letters, since I kissed the Pope's feet 
I am absolved from all obligation for past things. I 
send greeting to friends, especially to Suor Laura [the 
name taken as a nun by his young sister Anna], and 
the Magnifico M. Jacomo Boschetto . . . e sempre mi 
raccomando. ..." 

In the next letters he remarks: "... To our Suor 
Laura I know not what to send ; if some cavalier could 
and would carry them, I would send her the candle- 
sticks which the Pope gave me on the day of Sta. Maria 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

Candelora, but they would be broken. The Confes- 
sional of M. V. will be prepared and sent to her in any 
case. . . ." (Before the Council of Trent, only the 
Pope could grant a faculty to confess to any priest, and 
to be absolved 'da casi anche riservati.") 

On March 2, 1505, we hear that **On Wednesday 
last, February 26, were celebrated the obsequies of the 
great Queen of Spain, of happy memory — [Isabel of 
Castile] — according to the fashion of Spain, in the 
church of S. Jacomo de' Spagnuoli. All the cardinals 
were robed in 'morello scuro'and all the ambassadors 
and Sig. Duca mio with mourning garments down to 
the ground. Francesco della Rovere wore black 
velvet. ..." A few days later, this young prince, 
who is usually called the Signor Prefetto, was solemnly 
betrothed in the Sala of the Pope, in presence of 
all the cardinals, to the Signora Donna Leonora da 
Gonzaga, the young daughter of Francesco of Mantua 
and Isabella d'Este, born on the last day of 1492. 
This gave great satisfaction to the friends on both 
sides, but the marriage did not take place until Novem- 
ber 25, 1509. We have a picturesque account of the 
King of Poland sending an embassy to do obedience 
to His Holiness, of three ambassadors, one bishop, 
one chamberlain, four Tartars with strange furs, and 
fifty cavaliers. The cardinals were in their robes, and 
the ambassadors wore red gowns with feathers in their 
caps, and a design of pearls. 

In a later letter we are told that a great Mass was 
celebrated, and the Golden Rose was given to the Polish 
ambassadors for their King Alexander. In return they 
gave splendid presents to the Pope : three beautiful 
great vases of Sitou, well gilt ; and three splendid 
52 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

garments : one of white damask linen trimmed with 
sable, one of crimson satin trimmed with ermine, and 
the third made with about 150 sables — so beautiful that 
there was nothing in Italy to compare with it. 

Castiglione takes great interest in the ambition of his 
young brother Jeronimo to obtain an appointment at 
a great Court. He will try to find some opening in 
Rome, but *'all offices seem to be bought here. Yet 
although we are poor in money, we ought to have some 
influence. ... I would have Jeronimo not take Orders, 
but be free in Rome to reach high office, as we hope 
he may deserve. . . . Show him the part of this letter 
which refers to him, but not the rest." He adds : '* About 
the going to England, Sig. Duca must send some one, 
and I have heard that he wishes to send me. The 
cause of the mission is for the confirmation of the 
Privilegio of the Order of the Garter, which is like that 
of St. Michael of the King of France. ... It is too 
long to tell it all ... a great ceremony is needed. . . . 
Although the journey is long, 'pur e place- vole. ..." 
(yet it is pleasant). Henry VII sent the Order of the 
Garter to Guidobaldo, Duke of Urbino, as a delicate 
compliment to Pope Julius, his kinsman. 

Before the end of March the matter was settled with 
regard to Baldassare being chosen for the mission, 
and he hopes to travel in company with Monsig. 
Vescovo de' Gigli (Silvestro Gigli Fiorentino, collector 
for the Apostolic dues in England, where he has a rich 
bishopric). Castiglione hopes to fulfil the task honour- 
ably and satisfy His Excellency Sig. Duca. On his 
way he proposes to stay with his mother at Mantua for 
eight or ten days. 

This expedition was put off again and again; finally, 
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it was not until the autumn of 1506 that Castiglione was 
sent **to be installed in his lord's name as Knight 
of the Garter by the good pleasure of Henry VII." 
(Guidobaldo's father, the Duke Federico, had been 
made a Knight of the Garter by Edward IV.) There 
is frequent allusion to this journey ; it could not be 
until after the great '* Mostra" which would take place 
on the day of St. Peter in the piazza. . . . Also it was 
needful that Castiglione should be a cavalier, and the 
Pope would knight him on Easter Day, 1505. . . . 
Jeronimo is not forgotten. We hear that Rome would 
be an education for him, and he would learn to over- 
come his shyness and timidity. Jeronimo is asked to 
find in the house and send at once some curious ancient 
armour for wearing on the arm and other things to 
give to the Rev. Cardinal de' Medici (afterwards 
Leo X), "to whom we owe so much." 

It was an age of presents ! The King of Portugal 
about this time sends more rich gifts to Pope Julius, 
chiefly of animals not seen much in Italy, parrots 
(pappagalli), cats, hares, and monkeys of various 
kinds, and many other things of his country. . . . 

On June 6, Castiglione writes that he does not wish 
to alarm his mother, but he has had a bad fever, the 
cause of which he cannot imagine. 

It was evidently a serious illness, and appears also 
to have affected his injured foot, in which he suffers 
violent pain, and he expresses his wish to go to the 
Baths of Siena. " The ' Confessional ' of Magn. Vostra 
is prepared and signed, and I will bring it with other 
devotional things . . ."he adds, eagerly looking forward 
to the meeting with his mother. The letter from Rome on 
July 30 is a touching lament for the death of his friend 

54 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

II Falcone, which occurred at Mantua. He is deeply 
grieved, and desires to know all particulars. '* Fortune 
does not permit me to pay him save with tears. Pray 
Jeronimo, for the love he bore him, to collect all his 
writings and not leave them in the hands of others. 
. . ." Here we note one striking feature in the 
character of Castiglione. He had a very genius for 
friendship ; and to all those favoured beings whom 
he took to his heart he ever remained loyal and true, 
with a passionate devotion, undimmed by time or mis- 
fortune. 

We next hear of him at Gubbio, where he had the 
pleasure of meeting Nostro Signor of Urbino, on his 
way to the Baths of S. Cassano, from whence he 
writes at the end of September: *'. . . I have been 
here for my foot, which has never healed properly, 
and the waters have done me much good. . . . Sig. 
Duca Guidobaldo has been very ill . . . the poveretta 
Signora Duchessa has been in great fear and anxiety 
. . . but God did not ordain such ruin. ..." 

Throughout all these letters we find constant allusion 
to the young courtier's want of money to meet the 
very heavy expenses of his position. His nominal 
pay was 4000 ducats besides allowances, but in point 
of fact, it was not until the end of the first year that 
he received 25 ducats on account, the Duke of Urbino, 
on his return to a pillaged home, being in great straits 
himself. Baldassare is very cheerful and good- 
tempered about his want of money, but it is evidently 
a constant anxiety, and he takes special interest in the 
harvest on his estate and the prospect of selling some 
of his horses. He is often ''without a quattrino," 
has to borrow thirty gold ducats for ten bracchi of 
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black velvet, and when he left Rome he still owed 
about 150 ducats. 

On December 24, 1505, Castiglione writes from 
Ferrara that he has been sent on an embassy to 
Mantua by the Duke of Urbino, but has been warned 
not to enter the Mantuan territory, as the Marchese 
Francesco has not forgiven the leaving his service, 
and intends to arrest and punish him. This is a 
terrible disappointment to the devoted son, who had 
been so earnestly looking forward to meeting his 
mother. He himself was quite willing to run the 
risk, but on January 6, 1506, he informs M. V. that 
"he has been recalled by the Duke and Duchess, who 
value him too much to expose him to any peril." He 
complains that since he was going as ambassador, he 
should have been respected on that account. He has 
to send the ''Confessional" to his mother by a 
messenger. We are told that Isabella d'Este pleaded 
in vain for him, and we receive a very bad impression 
of her husband's vindictive temper. Guidobaldo 
appears to have forgiven Francesco, as he was taken 
into the service of the Pope a few months later for his 
campaign in Romagna, by the advice of his brother-in- 
law, who also invited him to meet Julius H at Urbino 
in the autumn of 1506. The Pope was delighted with 
his easy triumph over the Baglioni of Perugia, and 
came to the hill-city in high good temper, accompanied 
by twenty-five cardinals with a splendid suite, and a 
guard of 400 men-at-arms. Outside the walls he was 
received by a company of young nobles in doublets 
and hose of white silk, who on his dismounting 
seized his richly caparisoned mule, which had to be 
redeemed for 60 ducats. This was a usual but un- 
56 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

comfortable piece of courtesy! The city gates were 
thrown down to receive the Pontiff, the keys were 
presented to him, he was conducted by the Duke, the 
Court, and the clergy through the gaily-decorated 
streets to the Duomo, and then to the magnificent 
palace, ''whose like was not to be found in all Italy." 

The stately visit of Pope Julius and the high favour 
which he showed to his kinsman Duke Guidobaldo is 
the high-water mark of pomp and prosperity for the 
State of Urbino. This "coming of Rome" to the 
hill-city seemed to Isabella d'Este such a "rare and 
excellent thing that she looked on with hidden envy 
at the grandeur " of her sister-in-law, the Duchess 
Elisabetta. No one could foresee that the highest 
glory of this Court of Urbino, in the eyes of posterity, 
would be the chronicle of the young courtier, the 
scholar, poet, and philosopher, Baldassare Castiglione. 



57 



CHAPTER IV 

1504-1508 

Baldassare Castiglione at the Court of Urbino, the 

"HOME OF mirth AND JOY"— A GALAXY OF TALENT— 

The origin of the "Cortegiano" — Castiglione's 
MISSION to England to receive the " Order of the 
Garter" for the Duke of Urbino— Embassy to 
Louis XII at Milan— Illness and death of Guido- 
baldo, Duke of Urbino— Grief of the Duchess 
Elisabetta — Francesco Maria della Rovere suc- 
ceeds to the Duchy. 

It has been finely said that *'any historical description 
of the Court of Urbino is rendered vain by Castiglione's 
enduring portrait of it in his Cortegiano. . . . He was 
an artist, not an annalist, and sought to embody the 
most brilliant qualities of Renaissance Court life in 
one convincing model. "^ In the ''atmosphere of social 
ease, the free wit and sweet conversation of an amiable 
and loving company," the presence of the Duchess 
harmonised and tempered all the sparkling conver- 
sation. 

As a literary work the Cortegiano will be fully dwelt 
upon later, but for the moment we are concerned with 
the life of Castiglione himself, and the happy years 
which he spent in this ''abode of mirth and joy." He 
occupied his leisure in writing Latin and Italian poetry 
and in devising entertainments for the cultured society 
of the Court. Thus at the Carnival of 1506, the 

1 Walter Raleigh. 
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eclogue Tirsi, which he had written in collaboration 
with his friend Cesare Gonzaga, was performed before 
the ducal company. In this pastoral fantasy, the two 
authors under the characters of lola and Dameta meet 
a stranger shepherd who bears the name of Tirsi, and 
describe in glowing language the whole circle of 
Urbino, with the Duchess reigning supreme over all 
as Goddess of the river Metauro. The eclogue is en- 
livened with the usual choruses and a brilliant Mor- 
esque dance, consisting of a mock fight with blunt 
daggers, carried out in measured tread, keeping time 
to the sound of music. 

Amongst the galaxy of talent in that courtly society, 
we must select a few for special notice. Of the Duchess 
Elisabetta, to whom all looked up with reverence and 
devotion, the author of the Cortegiano scarcely ventures 
to speak, save as of one beyond all words of praise. 
Brought up in an atmosphere of art and scholarship, 
she inherited a taste for letters from a line of dis- 
tinguished ancestors, and her sweetness of nature lent 
a special charm to her learning and accomplishments. 
Next to this princess and her inseparable companion 
was the Lady Emilia Pia, sister of Giberto Pio, lord 
of Carpi, in Lombardy, and widow of Antonio, half- 
brother to Duke Guidobaldo. She was a special friend 
of Castiglione's, and we find her constantly mentioned 
in his letters. He says, "She was endowed with so 
lively a wit and judgment, that she seemed the mis- 
tress and leader of all the company." We see her 
ever willing to lead off any new and sparkling discus- 
sion with constant charm and ever ready tact. 

Amongst the younger ladies we notice Margherita 
Gonzaga, a niece of the Duchess, and Costanza Fre- 
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gosa, a connection of the Duke's. Her two brothers, 
Ottaviano and Federico Fregoso, of a noble Genoese 
family, had been brought up at the Court of Urbino ; 
the elder brother was a distinguished soldier, who 
gallantly defended S. Leo during a long siege, and 
became later Doge of Genoa. His brother Federico 
was educated for the Church and was made Bishop and 
Cardinal, but when his brother the Doge needed 
help, he was quite ready to command an army for 
Genoa, or lead her fleet against the Barbary pirates. 

Perhaps the most distinguished in rank of the 
Urbino circle was the Magnifico Giuliano de' Medici, 
third son of Lorenzo of Florence. During several 
years of the exile of his family he enjoyed the splendid 
hospitality of Duke Guidobaldo. We shall see him 
taking an honoured place in the gay and learned con- 
versations of the Cortegiano, his name is enshrined in 
Bembo's prose and Ariosto's verse, while his splendid 
monument by Michelangelo in the Medicean Chapel 
is a mystery and a wonder for all time. 

The distinguished Venetian writer, Pietro Bembo, 
was an ornament of the Court of Urbino for some 
years after 1505, and plays a very important part in the 
learned dissertations, as he is chosen for the high- 
priest of the Platonism of the Renaissance, and some 
of the finest passages are supposed to be spoken by 
him. He became an intimate friend of the Magnificent 
Giuliano, and followed him to Rome in the days of the 
Medici Pope, Leo X, when we shall have occasion to 
meet him again. 

Another follower of Giuliano was Bernardo Bib- 
biena, so called from the little town in the Val d'Arno ; 
a man of distinguished wit and talent, who later be- 
60 




Hanfstaengl, Photi 



MICHELANGELO 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

came Cardinal, and achieved high success in life by- 
more than doubtful means. His famous comedy of 
the Calandra, brought out at Urbino in 1508, had more 
than all the licence of Plautus, and with regard to his 
morals, it would be a mild term to call them Epicurean. 
He, too, was a member of the splendid literary Court 
of Leo X. 

Count Lodovico Canossa, a cousin of Castiglione's 
mother, may have come to Urbino on this account, and 
he became in high favour later with Pope Julius II. In 
his mouth is placed the striking argument for nobleness 
of birth in the Cortegiano, with which we know that 
Castiglione had such deep sympathy. When a bride 
was suggested to him suitable in every other respect, 
the slightest doubt thrown on the pedigree of her 
ancestors for several generations was enough to decide 
him against the match. 

We will add a few words concerning one more of 
the distinguished men who flocked to the Court 
of Urbino, the famous litterateur Bernardo Accolti, 
who from his birthplace was known as I'Unico Aretino. 
He was held in the highest esteem by the cultivated 
world of his time, and became an unquestioned 
authority on the art of poetry, although we may find 
it difficult to admire his own verses which have sur- 
vived to this day. 

Amongst other names mentioned in the Cortegiano 
were Cesare Gonzaga, the intimate friend and com- 
panion of Castiglione, Count Caspar Pallaviciono and 
Lodovico Pio, young soldiers, Gian Cristofero Romano 
the famous sculptor, and Sigismondo Morello da 
Ortona, an elderly courtier. 

This brief notice must suffice for the present, as we 
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shall meet with all these characters again when they 
play their appointed part in the pages of the Cortegiano. 

But if for a time Castiglione enjoyed his leisure in 
such literary society, we find him so much in high 
esteem with Duke Guidobaldo that he was chosen for 
any important embassy. In the letters, we have already 
seen frequent allusion to the Order of the Garter 
which had been bestowed by Henry VII on the Duke 
of Urbino, and for which it was necessary that a proxy 
should be sent to England to be installed amongst the 
knights of that noble Order. Baldassare Castiglione 
had long been chosen for this stately mission, and after 
much unlooked-for delay was on the point of starting, 
when a great sorrow befell him in the death of his 
young brother Jeronimo, in this summer, 1506. A 
letter of condolence to him from Cardinal Sigismondo 
Gonzaga has been preserved : 

''Magnifice Vir, amice noster charissime. We are 
greatly distressed to hear from your letter the unforeseen 
and premature death of your brother Jeronimo, who 
was beloved by us for so many reasons. The mis- 
fortune and great loss to your mother and yourself, 
deserve indeed the greatest sorrow. But because we 
believe you both to be so wise, knowing that for death 
there is no remedy, we exhort you to a noble patience, 
with the remembrance that by this road we must all 
travel. But it is superfluous to commend this to your 
mother ; because for her we have such great honour 
and reverence, knowing her to be a matron dowered 
with every virtue. 

"Go in peace on your journey, which we pray God 
may prosper according to your desires. . . . Et bene 
valete. Ex Marengo viii. Augusti MDVI." 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Deeply as he felt the loss of his only brother, 
Castiglione was not one to suffer any personal grief to 
interfere with his duty. Therefore, in fulfilment of his 
lord's command, the Count at length set forth with 
a splendid suite, on July 24, 1506, bearing with him 
rich presents for the King of England, amongst which 
were some wonderful falcons, three of the finest race- 
horses of the Urbino breed, and a most precious little 
picture by the great master Raphael, of St. George, 
who has his knee encircled with the Order of the Garter, 
as patron saint of the stately society. With such a 
unique distinction for a saintly personage, this must 
have been painted by special command. 

The Embassy took the route by Lyons, from whence 
Madonna Aloisia at Mantua received a letter dated : 
''In Lione. September 20, 1506. . . . We are resting 
here four days for the sake of the horses, after crossing 
the mountains. ..." Thus Castiglione writes to his 
mother, knowing how anxious she would be for news, 
and adds: "I rejoice that M. Tommaso is well, 
and grieve for M. Jacomo and Madonna Polissena. 
May they bear in patience such inevitable sorrow. 
. . . Loving greeting to Suor Laura. To-morrow 

morning, please God, we set forth on our journey. 

>> 

Anstis gives the following interesting account of his 
landing at Dover : — 

"The 2oth of Octobre, the 22d year of our soverain 
lord. King Henry VII, there landed at Dover a noble 
ambassadeur, sent from the Duke of Urbin, called Sir 
Balthasar de Castilione, whiche came to be installed in 
his lord's name ; whiche Duke had receyved before by 
the Abbot of Glastonbury and Sir Gilbert Talbott, 
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being the King's commissionaris, the Garetier, &c., 
to the Ordre apperteyning. And, to mete with the 
said ambassadeur, was sent Sir Thomas Brandon, 
havyng a goodly companye with of his owne servants, 
all verely well horsed, unto the see-seyde ; whiche, 
after they met togedre, kept contynnually compagnie 
with hym, and when they approched nere to Deptford, 
ther met with the forsaid ambassadeur by the King's 
commandement, the Lord Thomas Dokara, lord of 
St. John's and Thomas Writhesley, alias Gartier 
princypall king of Armes. Whiche lord of St. John's 
had in his compaignie thirty of his servaunts, all in a 
lyvery new, well horsed, every one of his gentlemen 
beryng a javelayn in his hand, and every yeman 
havyng his bowe and a sheffe of arrowes, and soe con- 
voyed hym to his lodging, and on the morrow unto 
London, And by the waye ther met with the said 
ambassadeur dyvers Italyens, as the Pope's Vice- 
collector, Paulus de Gygeles, with dyvers others, and 
soe conveyed hym to the Pope's Vicecollector's hows, 
wher he lodged." 

Castiglione writes that on the ist of November he 
reached London, the capital of England, safe and 
sound by the Grace of God, honourably accompanied 
(as we have seen). ''I went to see His Sacred 
Majesty the King, who received me with great honour 
and caresses . . . and each day does more, so that I 
hope to satisfy Signor Mio. ..." 

The ceremony of installation of Guidobaldo, Duke 
of Urbino, as Knight of the Garter, took place on 
November lo, and afterwards the Count visited the 
other knights in the name of his master. King 
Henry VH appears to have been charmed with him, 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

and on his departure presented him with a gold chain 
or collar of SS links, from which hung two port- 
cullises and a golden rose with its centre of silver. 
This was greatly prized, and preserved as an heirloom 
in his family. Baldassare also received other valuable 
presents, chiefly horses and dogs. He next writes to 
his mother from Milan, where he had arrived safely on 
February 9, 1507, and sends a respectful message to 
ask ''Sig. Marchese if he will permit me to come to 
Casatico to see Madama mia Madre . . . and this 
to show respect, and perhaps he may suffer me to go 
to Mantua ... by his good grace, to which I sub- 
mit. ..." The consent of Francesco of Mantua 
appears to have been grudgingly accorded, for Cas- 
tiglione had the satisfaction of meeting his beloved 
mother and his family at Casatico, after nearly three 
years' absence. 

Urbino, 5 March, 1507. Castiglione relates how 
much honour he has received from the Duke of 
Urbino, and his warm welcome from other lords who 
are glad to have him back. Then he describes a 
second visit of Pope Julius to his kinsman Guidobaldo, 
after taking Bologna from the Bentivogli, and we are 
told of all the great splendour and magnificence of his 
reception. In the Cortegiano he thus mentions this 
visit : 

''After Pope Julius II had, with his own presence 
and by help of the French, brought Bologna into 
obedience to the Apostolic See again ... in his 
return towards Rome took Urbino in his way, where 
he was received as honourably as was possible, and 
with as sumptuous and costly preparation as could 
have been possible in any other city of Italy. So that 
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besides the Pope, all the Cardinals and other courtiers 
thought themselves thoroughly satisfied." The Duke 
and his young nephew, the Signor Prefetto, conducted 
the Pope as far as Cagli on his homeward journey. 

Two months later Castiglione was sent on another 
mission, this time to the French king, Louis XII, who 
had come in person to Italy to put down a rebellion at 
Genoa. This was soon accomplished, and with his 
ally, Francesco Marchese of Mantua, he entered Milan 
in triumph, and it was here that the ambassador from 
Urbino followed him. We have most vivid accounts 
of the state and magnificence with which the King 
held his Court at Milan, where every State in Italy 
sent ambassadors to congratulate him, and there were 
the most splendid tournaments, banquets, and balls. 

The Papal Legate arrived in haste, there were 
cardinals in plenty, and amongst other great ladies 
came Isabella d'Este, a favoured guest, with her seven- 
year-old son Federico, who was destined to play so 
large a part in the future career of Baldassare Cas- 
tiglione. Charles de Bourbon, Due de Montpensier, 
''our nephew, was there," Isabella says, "a tall youth 
of handsome and majestic appearance, closely re- 
sembling in complexion, eyes, and features his mother," 
Chiara de Montpensier, who had died in want and 
obscurity at Mantua in June, 1503. How many 
memories of the past must have awakened in the mind 
of Castiglione in the midst of all these sumptuous 
festivities in the city of II Moro, but still more we 
should imagine in the heart of Isabella d'Este, when 
she thought of her fair young sister Beatrice queening 
it in those very palaces? Yet we are told she was the 
gayest of the gay, and proud above all things of the 

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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

admiration of Louis XII ! Did she never give one 
thought to her unfortunate brother-in-law, still linger- 
ing on and enduring his living death within the 
French dungeon of Loches? 

The Count had returned to Urbino by the i6th of 
July, when he announced to his mother that he found 
the Duke and Duchess well. He had not written 
before on account of the expense of messengers. A 
little later we find that he has a curious difficulty in 
obtaining a '* licenza " for certain goods to be sent him 
from Mantua, as they would have to pass through the 
Romagnan possessions of Venice. This goes on for 
months, and he calls it **questa benedetta licenza"; 
but when at last his clothes, accoutrements, horse- 
trappings and armour, etc. have started from Mantua, 
he is not more successful. He writes on January 5, 
1508, that the ship has had many misfortunes ; there 
has been delay in starting, and at last it cannot get 
farther than Rimini in this bad weather. Now he has 
a very interesting piece of personal news. A wife has 
been suggested to him, a daughter of M. Giulio da 
Martinengo, Cavaliere of Brescia . . . *'and the one who 
spoke to me was Madonna Alda Bojarda. ... I gave 
her some hints, that the quality must be good and also 
the dowry, say about 14,000 ducats . . . but I know 
no more. ..." 

The next letter is dated from *' Forosempronii," the 
old name for Fossombrone, about twelve miles from 
Urbino, and he remarks about his new secretary, 
** Questo putto e scempio di una scempiezza profontuosa 
e matta. . . ." (This youth is stupid with a profound and 
mad stupidity !) It is quite a satisfaction to find that 
this "very perfect knight" can occasionally lose his 
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temper like ordinary mortals, as also when he alludes 
to '' that blessed passport " which the Venetians worried 
him so much by not sending. A few days later we 
have more allusions to a mysterious suggested bride, 
whose name he has not been told, although he has 
heard about the condition of her House and her dowry. 
'* He would like to go for a fortnight to Ferrara 
or Poggio to meet his mother and discuss many 
things. ..." 

The Count was at Fossombrone in attendance on 
the Duke of Urbino, who had been in failing health 
for years past. He had been borne hither in a litter 
at the beginning of February, in the hope that this 
lovely, sheltered sunny spot, on the bank of the Metau- 
rus, would be better for him than the hill-city of Ur- 
bino, in that bleak spring weather. But Guidobaldo 
rapidly grew worse, and on April ii, 1508, Castiglione 
writes : 

*' We are all in great trouble ; the Sig. Duca Guido- 
baldo is dangerously ill . . . the loss will be very 
heavy, especially for the poor Signora Duchessa, 
whom I have served so long. May God help her. ... I 
believe the Sig. Prefetto will succeed in peace to this 
State. ..." 

These forebodings of coming sorrow were only too 
soon justified, for that very night the good Duke passed 
away. He was only thirty-five, but he had suffered so 
much that he welcomed death, and kept his calm 
serenity to the end. When he had received the last 
rites of the Church, he remained in pleasant conversa- 
tion with Castiglione, and at the very last recited to him 
a favourite passage of Virgil (Georg. IV, 478). Thus in 
intimate fellowship with noble spirits of the past could 

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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

this polished scholar forget the pain and weariness of 
the present. 

The sorrow and loss was for those who were left to 
lament the beloved Guidobaldo. Elisabetta was heart- 
broken, and it was long before she recovered enough 
to take any interest in her widowed life. Castiglione, 
who deeply mourned his lord, gives a most touching 
and dramatic account of the long sad funeral proces- 
sion, passing slowly through that night of " mysterious 
dread," when the wailing of the mourning people was 
echoed back from the mountains, as the lord of Ur- 
bino was borne by torchlight across the valley and up 
the steep ascent to his hill-city. In gloom and dark- 
ness his subjects came forth through the gates to meet 
him for the last time, headed by the Bishop and priests 
in solemn order — monks and friars, guilds of the city, 
sorrowing men and women, all crowded to do him 
honour in death whom they had so often welcomed in 
life. After the usual lying-in-state and stately funeral 
ceremonies, Guidobaldo was laid to rest by his father's 
side in the little church of the Zoccolanti Friars. 

A pathetic account of the Duchess in her first days 
of bereavement is given in a letter to Isabella d'Este 
from her secretary. " I saw this illustrious Madonna 
in the midst of her women, in a room with black hang- 
ings, all the windows shut, and only lighted by one 
candle on the ground. She was seated upon a mattress 
on the floor, her face covered with a black veil . . . and 
it was so dark that I could scarcely see. . . . She held 
my hand, and we both wept. ... I gave her V. E.'s 
letter, and spoke my sympathy in few words. . . . The 
new Duke was there ... he treats her with the rever- 
ence of a son. ..." 

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The new Duke was Francesco Maria della Rovere, 
the nephew and adopted son of Guidobaldo, who had 
been at once proclaimed Duke of Urbino, and suc- 
ceeded quite peacefully, notwithstanding all fears to 
the contrary. Castiglione had been sent to Gubbio to 
keep order there, as he tells his mother in a letter of 
April 29. After expressing his great sorrow at the loss 
of "Signor mio Padrone," he adds: "When Magni- 
fica Vostra wrote, I was at Gubbio, as there was fear of 
disturbance there, with so many enemies . . . but all 
went well, and my men were extremely obedient. . . . 
I returned to Urbino in tears and gloom (nelle lacrime 
e nelle tenebre). I believe that I shall remain with the 
new Duke on the same terms, and also M. Cesare . . . 
and we will not fail to serve the Duchess and Duke to 
our uttermost. . . ." 

Thus closed the happiest years of Castiglione's life, 
for now all was changed in that cultured ''home of 
mirth and joy," and in the service of Duke Francesco, 
a youth of eighteen, far more serious duties awaited 
the distinguished courtier, soldier, and ambassador. 



70 



CHAPTER V 

1508-1511 

Francesco Maria della Rovere, Duke of Urbino— 
His betrothal to Leonora Gonzaga — Various mar- 
riage proposals for Count Baldassare Castiglione 
— League of Cambray— Castiglione fights under 
Duke of Urbino — Sends news from the seat of war 
to his mother — His armour, tents, etc. — Venice 

DEFEATED AT THE BATTLE OF AGNADELLO— FRANCESCO 

OF Mantua taken prisoner to Venice — Marriage 
OF Francesco Maria to Leonora Gonzaga — Pope 
Julius U makes peace with Venice— 15 10, a year of 

BATTLES — CASTIGLIONE'S LETTERS FROM THE CAMP. 

In the light of future events it is curious to note the 
watchful interest taken by Pope Julius in the succes- 
sion of his nephew, Francesco Maria della Rovere, to 
the dukedom of Urbino. The young prince was 
installed with great pomp after High Mass in the 
cathedral. First the keys of the city were presented to 
him in a great silver basin, then he was clothed in the 
ducal mantle of white satin lined with gold brocade 
and a cap faced with ermine surmounted by the 
coronet, and rode slowly through the narrow winding 
streets, on a superb charger richly caparisoned, amid 
the joyous shouts of the people. So great was the 
enthusiasm of his new subjects that a papal brief was 
sent to congratulate them on their loyalty. 

Never did a reign open with greater promise than for 
this lad of eighteen. He had received the most careful 
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classical education, he had spent several years at the 
cultured Court of France, he had been treated with the 
warmest affection by Guidobaldo and the gentle Elisa- 
betta, and yet the inherent savageness of this spoilt 
child of fortune was only covered by a slight veneer. 
Scarcely a year before it had suddenly broken forth, 
when a dashing favourite of the Duke's had given cause 
for gossip concerning the gay young widowed sister of 
Francesco, who, believing the worst, in sudden rage 
had the offender straightway murdered. A similar out- 
burst in the future almost proved his ruin, Pope's 
nephew as he was ! Still, in spite of his passionate 
temper, Francesco Maria had many good points, 
amongst which was his unfailing affection and respect 
for his widowed aunt, the Duchessa Elisabetta. 

It may have been her influence which induced him to 
pay a courting visit to his betrothed bride, Leonora 
Gonzaga, at Mantua that summer. He evidently 
needed persuasion, for Giovanni Gonzaga writes to 
him that at the Court of the Marchese Francesco he 
will see not only the fairest of maidens, but also the 
most splendid horses in the world. The young Duke 
set forth on his visit, in the wise old way, with presents 
in his hands ; an historic scimitar for the Marchese, and 
for the Lady mother, Isabella, rich horse-trappings 
which had once belonged to Cassare Borgia. From 
a curious account of his interview with the charming 
little maiden of fourteen, brought up in a home which 
was the complete epitome of Renaissance elegance, we 
gather that he was really more at his ease in the 
meadows of the Te, amongst the fine horses which 
he could entirely appreciate. 

In truth we are less concerned with the lord of 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Urbino's courting than with various marriage proposals 
of this period for his distinguished friend the Count 
Baldassare Castiglione. All his friends appear to have 
come to the conclusion that a courtier so admired and 
su^ccessful, who had attained the ripe age of thirty, 
should no longer be suffered to remain a bachelor. 
From the Duchessa Elisabetta and the Cardinal de' 
Medici downwards, we find a variety of suggestions on 
every side. In his letters we have already heard of two 
maidens belonging to the Martinengo House of 
Brescia, and in May of this year, 1508, Castiglione 
writes to his mother that his friends in Rome are 
proposing a marriage for him with the Signora Clarice, 
daughter of Piero di' Lorenzo de' Medici, and niece of 
Cardinal Giovanni (later Pope Leo X) and of the 
Magnifico Giuliano. Bibbiena was then secretary of 
the Cardinal, and was greatly interested in the matter. 
In his stately pride, Castiglione himself thinks that 
negotiations ought to come from the Marchese of 
Mantua or the Duke of Urbino. ** M. Cesare is in 
Rome, and I will ask him to inquire about the dowry 
and see the lady if possible. . . . On the other hand, 
the mother Alfonsina degli Orsini, who is fond of 
her daughter, thinks that Mantua is too far from 
Rome. ..." 

The next letter continues: **The dowry would be 
4000 gold ducats . . . there might be more, but that is 
certain . . . she is well connected on both sides. 
There is always hope that the Medici may be restored to 
Florence. ..." [They were expelled in 1494, and they 
returned in August, 1 5 1 2. ] ' ' I pray Magnificenza Vostra 
to think well of these things and give me her advice. 
There will not want means to carry it out. . . . Some- 
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thing has been said about another Martinengo . . . 
perhaps M. V. may hear about it ? . . . " 

In June we hear more about this marriage. . . . 
** The dowry is rather small . . . not enough for the 
position which I shall have to keep up ; now I can 
manage, but with a family it would be different. ... I 
should like to inquire more about the Martinenga . . . 
only daughter of ' una buona citta ' [Brescia], which 
would be nearer to us. ... I can say that I have a 
nest which has never failed me, and a 'faculta' [talent] 
which makes all labour easy. . . I have decided to 
keep the matter open a little ... to consider. ... I 
pray M. V. to advise me. ..." 

The marriage with a niece of the future Pope, which 
might have made so great a difference in Castiglione's 
fortunes, was never destined to come to pass. Six 
months later he writes to his mother : 

"... You will be sorry to hear that there have been 
intrigues about Signora Clarice de' Medici on behalf 
of Filippo Strozzi. ..." [It appears that her aunt 
Lucrezia Salviati had persuaded the family that an 
alliance with the Strozzi would strengthen their in- 
fluence, but the Cardinal was much disappointed, as 
Baldassare was his choice.] ..." Do not trouble, for 
these matters are in the hands of God, and often that 
which we hope for and which should have been for 
our happiness, might have turned out to the contrary. 
. . . I believe that all is for the best. ..." He 
repeats again later in another letter : "Do not trouble, 
for things will happen other than we hoped. . . . M. 
Cesare told the Signora Duchessa that Conte Filippo 
Borromeo left two daughters with good dowries. . . . 
Sua Ex. has written to inquire most particularly about 

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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

the matter. ... If Magn. Vostra has a way of know- 
ing anything about it, so much the better. . . ." 

Before dismissing the subject of these futile marriage 
negotiations, we must allude to a later one which 
touches a higher note of pride and honour. Castiglione 
tells it thus : 

'*In passing through Modena, II Conte Sigismondo 
and Mad. Costanza both spoke to me of this alliance 
(with a daughter of Conte Girardo Rangone), and I 
replied that it would please me . . . but it seemed 
to me that Conte Girardo was a little reserved . . . 
and if he thought I was not worthy to have his daughter, 
I would not desire her. ... It appears that Conte 
Girardo had replied that I pleased him much, but . . . 
I had my suspicions that he wished to place her higher. 
..." In short, he broke off the negotiations in this 
characteristic way: "The wife that I am to take, be 
she who she may, I desire that she should be given 
to me with as good a will as I take her withal, yea, if 
she were the daughter of a king." 

We must turn aside from this alluring subject of 
personal and domestic interest, for the grim reality of 
war is upon us. On December lo, 1508, the League 
of Cambray was signed, in which, by a secret under- 
standing, all the Powers of Europe combined for the 
ruin of Venice. We are only concerned with it from 
the point of view of Pope Julius II, who made his 
nephew, the young Duke of Urbino, Captain-General 
of the forces of the Church. There was a long out- 
standing conflict between the Papacy and that proud 
city of the Adriatic, whose ambassador, having once 
been asked by the Holy Father what warrant his Re- 
public had for their ocean rule, replied with splendid 
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audacity : " If you will show me the deed which assured 
to the successors of St. Peter the lands of the Church, 
you will find on the back of it the title-deed of Venice 
to the dominion of the sea." 

Yet although Julius meant to be '* Lord and Master 
of the Game of the World," and was in reality the 
mainspring of the League, he did not join openly in 
the war until he saw his allies committed to it. This 
was on the following April 27, when he summoned the 
Venetians to surrender the cities of Romagna within 
twenty-four days, under pain of excommunication, 
interdict, and all the thunders of the Church. No time 
was lost, for Castiglione, who had his usual command 
of fifty men-at-arms under Francesco Maria, writes on 
May I from Brisighella, at the head of the valley of 
Lamone : — 

"... Yesterday, which was Wednesday, we arrived 
here and found the country round already taken and 
ravaged by a Spanish company of ours, and in posses- 
sion of the fortress, in which were Sig. Gio. Paolo 
and two other Captains, who were all taken prisoners, 
and also the Castellan. Thus without any labour of 
ours all the valley of Lamone is in our hands ... we 
are going on by Faenza. ..." 

Then comes a pressing appeal to his mother to send 
as soon as possible some of his horses from Casatico. 
He particularly wants a good war-horse, as il Buffone 
had stuck a nail in his foot, and ''besides, he is not safe 
since his last adventure. ..." 

By means of these intimate letters we find ourselves 

behind the scenes, and learn not only the immense 

importance of good horses to the knights of that day, 

but also the extreme care which they took to keep 

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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

up the supply. Thus the Count writes a few months 
earlier : " See that great care is taken of my colts when 
they 'serano levati dall erbe.' 

*'I pray you to see that if possible they may be 
ridden by Brusco or Scardova, whom I will send to 
choose from them. ..." Or again : "I pray M.V. to 
let me know how my horses are, and possibly all may 
be ridden except those born when I was in England 
. . . they must be very carefully ridden. ..." '*I 
should like to have a horse belonging to Cardinal 
Sigismondo . . . and I think that I shall manage it as 
he wants a grand horse for himself, and I have one, 
Ubino, which the King of England gave me, very 
handsome and good. . . ." "Those horses of M. 
Uberti I do not think will suit me; they are too young. 
I want a horse made (fatto) with a brain. ..." 

Castiglione is also extremely particular about his 
armour and weapons. He writes for a certain coat of 
mail which he left at Mantua, and for various curious 
pieces of armour ''which he sorely needs." He requires 
later a complete suit of armour to be made for him at 
Mantua and is troubled at the delay in its coming. " I 
extremely desire to have my arms. ..." "I think the 
armour must be made by this time. ... I am in 
extreme need, almost unarmed . . . there is nothing 
in the world more important to me. ..." Then we 
have interesting directions about his new camp equip- 
ment required, "for it is always in use, and gets worn 
out . . . the tent is to be a 'trabacca' and not a 
' padiglione.' " This refers to the shape, and appar- 
ently it is not to be the usual form of pavilion. "... 
The ' allogiamente ' of which I wrote is to be of ' beret- 
tino' (from birrus, red?) and tan colour (tane)." There 
77 



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are other interesting details too long to quote, but for 
all these matters and for the keep of his men and 
horses, money is constantly wanted and very difficult 
to procure. 

After the fall of Brisighella, Castello Granarolo was 
taken after sharp fighting on May 6, and on May i8 
Castiglione writes "Ex Castris, Russi," and on the 
last day of the month from the Camp near Ravenna : 

*'. . . I have received your letter and the money 
. . . infinite thanks. Our successes continue . . . 
with very little 'fatica' we have acquired all Romagna 
. . . having driven back all our enemies. . . . All 
the land is terribly impoverished ... * Dio governa 
tutto ! ' A Venetian Secretary came to us who offered 
to give up freely Ravenna, Cervia, and Arimino, 
saving the people who are therein, the artillery and 
munitions. . . . Faenza we already have. We have 
caused great destruction and evil to this poor Ravenna 
... in the country round . . . what I could do to 
prevent excesses, that I have done. ..." 

The unfortunate Venetians were in no position to 
make terms of any kind, for on May 14 they had been 
totally defeated at the battle of Agnadello, and the 
power of the Republic, which had taken 800 years of 
strenuous toil to build up, was crushed in one day. 
The Pope regained all the towns which he claimed in 
the Romagna, and the French took possession of the 
whole of Lombardy as far as the Mincio, and Verona, 
Vicenza, and Padua gave themselves up to emissaries 
of the Emperor. 

The campaign was practically over as far as the 
Papal Captain-General was concerned, and he was 
glad to return to Urbino, for the Legate, Cardinal 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Alidosi, had acted with constant bad faith and opposed 
all his plans. Count Castiglione appears to have had 
a serious illness, for he writes to his mother in Sep- 
tember, 1509 : ''. . . I fear that I shall not be able to 
travel, as my foot is so bad. ... I hope little by 
little to recover my strength, but health does not come 
suddenly, as the evil does. ..." 

Urbino, November 19. " Ilia Signora mia is going 
to Mantua . . . [with Madonna Emilia Pia to bring 
back to Urbino the young bride, Leonora Gonzaga, 
her niece, who was to be accompanied by the mother 
of Baldassare Castiglione.] I pray you render in- 
finite thanks to the Signora mia for all her kindness 
during my illness, and also Mad. Emilia Pia ; if I 
had been her son or her brother she could not have 
done more. Also for love of me, give a piece of linen 
cloth to an old woman called Margherita, to whom I 
am especially grateful . . . and make much of her ; 
give to my servant, cloth for a pair of * camiscie ' [under 
garments] and a 'beretta' [cap] such as may please him, 
for indeed he served me well. ..." 

Much had happened during the Count's illness. For 
Venice the tide had turned ; in July Padua was re- 
covered and Monselice ; while in August the Marchese 
of Mantua was surprised and made prisoner at the 
Isola della Scala, near Legnano. He was taken to 
Venice in great triumph, with all the magnificent spoils 
of his camp, which included ''some of the finest 
horses in the world." The Marchesa Isabella was in 
despair, and made pitiful appeals to the Emperor 
Maximilian, the King of France, and even to the 
Sultan, to obtain her husband's release, offering the 
most costly presents on every side. But her chief hope 
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was in Pope Julius, and she could think of nothing 
more likely to win his favour than the speedy marriage 
of his nephew Francesco Maria with her daughter 
Leonora. This explains Castiglione's remark about 
the journey of the Dowager Duchess to Mantua. A 
letter of Isabella's describes the visit of Elisabetta : 

"Mantua. December 4. . . . We have here enter- 
tained the Duchessa of Urbino with a large . . . 
company at much expense, but most gladly. . . . She 
will take back our young Duchessa . . . and we hope 
now that His Holiness will show us still more favour 
... we hear that S,S. wishes her to go with the Duke 
to Rome. ... His Beatitude has sent for the bride a 
beautiful litter, of cloth of silver with gold cords . . . 
two handsome pages in livery to match, and a splendid 
dapple grey horse with fine trappings. ..." 

The bridal party had a wretched journey. They left 
Mantua in such a thick fog that they lost their way, 
and wandered about for hours before they found shelter 
in the Villa of Gonzaga. After a cheerful welcome at 
Modena and Bologna, they were almost drowned in 
trying to cross a mountain stream in flood on the way 
to Faenza. The rush of water had been so sudden 
that a chariot with two ladies of honour and their 
baggage actually floated for some distance, the oxen 
who drew it being swept off their feet by the rushing 
water. The remainder of the journey was through 
heavy rain on the worst of roads, but at length the 
hill town of Urbino was reached and the Duke rode 
forth to meet the ladies. There was such a successful 
procession through the streets that nothing would 
satisfy the young prince but a repetition of the entry 
next day. This the Duchess Elisabetta "would not 
80 




Alinari, Photo Titian 

LEONORA GONZAGA, DUCHESS OF URBINO 

To face p. 80 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

allow, upon which the Duke flew into a rage and said 
he would go away ; but his aunt told him to be reason- 
able and not to behave like a Turk, with other wise 
words, so that he said no more and remained con- 
tent. ..." 

With such a hot-tempered bridegroom, we can only 
hope that the training of the young Duchessa Leonora 
had made her very meek, or else that she learnt to 
manage him. By the special wish of Pope Julius, 
Francesco took her to Rome, where she was much 
admired and became a great favourite with her uncle. 

The old warrior Pope having now obtained all that 
he wanted from the Venetians, was quite willing to 
make peace on his own terms, and after the destruction 
of their fleet on the Po by the artillery of the Duke of 
Ferrara, he solemnly pronounced the absolution of the 
Republic on February 24, 15 10, while the ambassadors 
in their scarlet robes knelt at his feet in the portico of 
St. Peter's. Venice never regained her ascendancy in 
the Romagna, and the new route round the Cape of 
Good Hope having diverted to Lisbon much of her 
prosperous trade with the East, she ceased before long 
to rank as a first-rate Power. 

Having taken Venice under his protection, Julius 
now turned round completely and set himself the more 
serious task of driving the French out of Italy. The 
young Duke of Urbino, who returned home with his 
wife in May, was once more placed at the head of the 
Papal army. Notwithstanding all the efforts on his 
behalf, Francesco Marchese of Mantua was not released 
from his Venetian prison until the month of July, 1510, 
when he went home a broken man, soured in temper 
and ruined in health. He was not thoroughly trusted 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

on either side, and the Marchesa Isabella had the grief 
of parting with Federico, her son of ten years old, who 
was to go to Rome as a hostage for his father's good 
faith. 

During the last year there had been domestic sorrow 
in the family of Castiglione. He was very much 
grieved to hear of the sudden death of the Ferrarese 
poet, Ercole Strozzi, cruelly murdered as he was 
returning home one night, less than a fortnight after 
his marriage with the beautiful Barbara Torella. 
Jealousy was supposed to be the reason, and in days to 
come Duke Alfonso was publicly accused of this crime. 
Ercole was the brother of Tommaso Strozzi, who had 
married Francesca, the second sister of Castiglione. 
His eldest sister Madonna Polissena had lost her 
husband, Jacomo Boschetto, a noble of Mantua, after 
a long and painful illness. The Count writes thus to 
his mother : 

**I have heard with deep sorrow of the death of 
M. Jacomo nostro, who indeed deserved the fraternal 
love which I bore to him ; patience ; God will make 
up to him in the next world for his life here of little 
happiness. I will write a letter to M. Polissena, who 
must be overwhelmed with sorrow, and I leave her to 
the care of M. V., whom I pray to tell me particulars of 
his death. Has any marriage been arranged for Anna? 
[daughter of the above and niece of Castiglione]. And 
what will Madonna Polissena do?" 

He takes great interest in the welfare of his widowed 
sister, whom he helps in every way, as we notice in 
later letters. 

The year 1510 was a year of battles. Early in July 
the Papal troops under Francesco Maria began hostili- 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

ties in that portion of Romagna which belonged to 
Ferrara, now in great disgrace with Pope Julius, as 
Duke Alfonso was a firm ally of the French. Massa- 
lombarda, Conselice, and Bagnacavallo were easily 
taken, but the citadel of Lugo held out gallantly for 
nearly a month. Castiglione had been ill at Rome, 
but he was sufficiently recovered to join the army with 
his usual command before the end of August, when he 
writes from the camp near II Finale di Modena. 
Modena surrendered to the Duke of Urbino and 
Cardinal Alidosi, who rode in triumph through the 
city, and on August 20 the papal bull of excom- 
munication against Duke Alfonso and his adherents 
was published in the Duomo. 

Writing from the camp, Castiglione says : 

'*. . . You already know that I arrived here safe 
and well, and as you will wish to hear in what condi- 
tion we are, I can assure you that we are all of good 
cheer, and with good hope of victory over our enemies. 
If M. V. will pray for us, here, at present, we have no 
other need. Remember me to all of ours, and give my 
special greeting to Sister Laura. ..." 

The next letter says : 

''. . . We remain here in the country because we 
have no other lodging. But the rains are very heavy 
and continue all day, but we are all well, by the Grace 
of God. . . . What we are staying here for we cannot 
imagine. . . . The Pope will be in Bologna to-morrow 
(somewhat indisposed from the discomforts he had 
endured in camp), and soon we shall see how things 
will go. . . ." 

''Modena, 16 October, 1510. . . . We are here in 
Modena, and hope that we shall soon see the enemies, 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

and as we are fighting for the Church, we hope that 
God will be with us. Certain things have been said 
here with regard to sedition at Mantua ... to wonder 
at greatly; when you can safely let me know what thing 
has happened, I shall be glad. ..." 

January iS, he writes from the camp : 

". . . M. Roberto da Bari ... is ill here in camp, 
and thinks of going to Mantua ; and because I love him 
as a brother, I have offered him to go to my house, and 
I think he will accept. I pray M. V. that she will 
* fargli carezze ' [show him every kindness] and all 
possible honour, and let him want for nothing. . . . 
I write this that a chamber may be prepared. . . . We 
are here somewhat gloomy, as is likely in such a place 
and in such danger . . . but we hope the best of the 
enterprise. ..." 

The next important event was the siege of Mirandola, 
which was looked upon as the key of the position, and 
was defended by the Countess Francesca, the brave 
daughter of Trivulzio, and widow of Lodovico Pico. 
She was well supported by her cousin Alessandro 
Trivulzio, and they both hurled defiance at the Papal 
summons to surrender. The indomitable old Pope had 
come in person to take the city by assault, after a 
narrow escape of being taken prisoner himself by 
Bayard. It was a bitter winter and the world was 
white with snow, but the fiery Julius, in a strange 
guise of priest and warrior, was everywhere under fire 
directing the attack, until a breach in the walls com- 
pelled the garrison to capitulate. It must have been a 
gallant sight when the Pontiff crossed the frozen moat 
and entered Mirandola through the breach, and again 
when he politely escorted the angry Countess, with all 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

her belongings, out of her own city, a voluble play of 
words going on between them all the time. 

The conqueror's success went no further. In Cas- 
tiglione's letters we have a graphic account of the 
hardships which the army had to endure in camp 
during that severe weather. He himself has been 
wounded, but he makes light of it to his mother, 
although he owns that he is unable to wear his armour. 

"We are at Finale (di Modena), at Bondeno and at 
Massa, while the enemies are at Stellata, at Sermeto and 
thereabouts. . . . We all think that great things 
depend upon this Council at Mantua. [Where the Em- 
peror had sent his favourite minister, Matthaus Lang, 
Bishop of Gurk, to discuss terms of peace with ambas- 
sadors from England, France, and Spain. But nothing 
came of this, for the Pope refused to listen to the 
Emperor's proposals.] 

''. . . There is a great famine of everything, and 
henceforth we shall have to eat the earth. . . . We 
desire nothing else than a feat of arms to bring us out 
of this trouble. All my boys, and I too, are very 
weary of this long vigil. ... I wish that M. V. could 
find me at Mantua a little red cloth, and some of tan 
colour to make them tunics . . . and I should also like 
some red satin for a ' giuppone'; and a few * denaretti ' 
(small money)." [The giuppone^ more commonly called 
giubbone, was a vest or surcoat with sleeves somewhat 
tight and closely fitting, shorter than the doublet. It 
was often embroidered with the crest or coat-of-arms, 
like the surcoat or "jupon" of Edward the Black 
Prince, which still hangs over his tomb in Canterbury 
Cathedral, with his shield and helmet.] 

A fortnight later he writes that a messenger is going 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

to Mantua, and he wishes to send his mother word that, 
by the Grace of God, they are all well : 

*'It is as much as we can bear, for we are in con- 
tinual fatigue, and also in great famine, chiefly for the 
horses, for there is scarcely any food to give them of 
any kind of corn. Nevertheless I trust that M. V. will 
find means to send the oats of which I spoke. ... I 
hope also that within two days you will send to the 
tower that red and tan colour cloth of which I wrote, 
to clothe my boys who are naked and bare. ... I pray 
you also to send with the oats two sacks of wheat, for 
there is none left which is not fetid, and ' bread costs 
an eye.' ..." 

The need becomes more urgent, and two days later 
Castiglione sends a special messenger to Mantua to 
fetch the cloth, which is to be of two kinds. He 
also requires fine white cloth for three pairs of hose, 
with the lining, and some white material to make a 
''giuppone" for Giampietro. There is need for all 
this at once, as they are in great want. ". . . As 
for the corn, we are in extreme necessity, for we 
have eaten down to the ground. Of the matters con- 
cerning Casatico, M. V. may be certain that I am 
always thinking of them ; but the difficulty is that I 
am in sore need of a ' beneficio ' [a remunerative post], 
and that N. S. [the Duke] may find time to give me 
one. But do not speak of this to any one in the 
world. ..." 

The truth was that Castiglione had been put to 
immense expense all this time, and had received no 
pay whatever. In his next letter, almost a fortnight 
later, he says that he has received the oats, the eggs, 
and the sausages, and is most grateful, as indeed they 
86 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

were in great want. News has reached him that the 
ambassador of the " Ccesarian Majesty has departed 
in discord, in a way which promises war rather than 
peace. May God give us that which is best." 

This forecast of disaster was only too soon ful- 
filled. In May, 151 1, the veteran French general, 
Trivulzio, made a descent upon Bologna — the Pope 
having barely time to escape to Ravenna — defeated 
and drove out the Papal troops under the Duke of 
Urbino and Cardinal Alidosi. The divided command 
between these two may have had much to answer for 
during the whole campaign ; but when the Cardinal, 
who was more than suspected of treachery, publicly 
abused Francesco Maria in the streets of Ravenna, the 
passionate young prince turned in a rage and stabbed 
Alidosi with his own hand. Terrible news for the 
poor old Pope, filling indeed his cup of retribution to 
the brim ! That his favourite should be murdered by 
his own nephew was the last terrible scandal to com- 
plete his discomfiture. 

Meantime the Bentivogli were reinstated in Bologna, 
and the brazen statue of Pope Julius, a masterpiece of 
Michelangelo, was hurled from its pedestal and made 
into a cannon by the art-loving Duke of Ferrara. 

This fighting in Italy, especially the determined 
raid of the Pope against Ferrara, had all the bitterness 
of a civil war, for Duke Alfonso d'Este was closely 
connected by birth with all the great nobles opposed 
to him, in many cases most unwillingly. 

When Bologna was taken, the portion of the Papal 

army in which Castiglione served was routed at 

Casalecchio, about six miles to the west, on the Reno. 

The French carried away all the artillery and baggage, 

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and so completely looted the camp that the Count 
writes from Urbino : 

*'. . . By several ways I took means to let M. V. 
know that we had reached Cesena in safety. Now by 
this horseman I send you word that I am at Urbino in 
health but without clothes, I may say, for I have lost 
all my horses and everything that I had ; yet I will 
complain of nothing, for, thanks to God, I am safe and 
sound. If M. V. will take pity on me, I should be 
very grateful for shirts, * scuffitotti ' of gold, pocket- 
handkerchiefs and such things, because I am almost 
destitute. . . . June i, 1511." 

A very trying task now awaited Castiglione in his 
diplomatic capacity. On reaching Rome, Julius had 
immediately deprived his nephew of all his dignities, 
and summoned him to his presence to answer for the 
assassination of the Cardinal of Pavia. Francesco 
Maria obeyed at once, taking with him the Count to 
plead his cause with devotion and tact and the 
eloquence of his *' golden mouth." The Duke of 
Urbino was put under arrest and was tried by a 
commission of six cardinals, amongst whom was 
Giovanni de' Medici, afterwards Leo X. Filippo 
Beroaldo undertook the defence, and boldly pleaded 
that Alidosi's notorious treachery had met with its due 
punishment. Public feeling appears to have been on 
his side, possibly from the youth of the offender and 
the provocation which his violent temper had received 
for the crime. The case was still going on when 
Julius fell ill of a quartan ague, and for a few days 
his life was despaired of. Some accounts say that his 
nephew saved his life by the happy device of select- 
ing the Cardinal de' Medici to carry him the Viaticum, 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

when the sight of his probable successor made the 
strong-willed invalid resolve to disappoint him. He 
took the nourishment which he had previously refused, 
and recovered, to rise from his sick bed more resolute 
and undaunted than ever. He at once gave Francesco 
Maria absolution for his crime, and sent him home 
with 12,000 scudi, the arrears of pay for his army. 

By his wise courtier's advice the Duke insisted that 
the trial should run its course, until, on December 9, a 
consistorial Bull was issued, fully absolving him from 
the charge. Meantime Castiglione is able to write 
from Urbino to his mother, on September 27, 151 1 : 

" We are returned home safely from Rome, by the 
grace of God, with the re-benediction and re-establish- 
ment in his State of the Illustrious Signor nostro, hav- 
ing passed through endless worries and more labours 
than can be told ; greatly through the very serious 
illness of N. Sig. [the Pope], of which it may be said 
that he recovered by a miracle, for the salvation of the 
Sig. Duca, and of the Church of God ; for if death had 
seized him, it would not have been without peril to the 
State and person of the Duke, and of we others ... *\. 

God be praised. . . . Touching myself, I am going to 
Our Lady of Loreto that I may fulfil a vow. I do not 
think of anything more to write to you now, especially 
as my hand is very weary ; ... it has been extremely 
weak, but will be much better with a good rest. ..." 
He ends with the usual greetings. 



89 



CHAPTER VI 
1S11-1516 

Pope Julius proclaims a "Holy League" against 
France — Battle of Ravenna won by the French 
— Baldassare Castiglione fights under the Duke 
OF Urbino — The Papal army is victorious— The 
Count is promised the castle of Nuvillaria — Death 
OF Julius II — Election of Leo X — Castiglione Am- 
bassador in Rome— His friendship with Raphael, 
etc. — Cultured Court of the Vatican — Platonism 
OF the Renaissance— Death of Giuliano dei Medici 
—Leo X SEIZES Urbino— Flight of Francesco Maria. 

Tempest-tossed by fortune, brought to the lowest ebb 
by almost mortal illness, the unconquerable vitality of 
Julius II was never more striking than when in October, 
151 1, he proclaimed a Holy League with Spain and 
Venice to expel the French from Italy. He made the 
Spanish Viceroy of Naples, Raimondo di Cardona, 
Captain-General of the forces, to the great disappoint- 
ment of the young Duke of Urbino, who sulkily re- 
fused to serve under him, although he sent part of his 
army. Castiglione was with it, as he writes from 
Sinigaglia on November 6, both to his mother and his 
brother-in-law, " II Magnifico Cavalier, e mio onerevo- 
lissimo Fratello M. Tommaso Strozzi." These letters 
are very interesting, as they take us behind the scenes. 
They are too long to quote in full, but we learn from 
them that with the growing suspicion of old age, Pope 
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Julius fancied that his nephew was holding secret 
communication with the French and with Ferrara, and 
even believed that Count Castiglione had been sent on 
a secret mission to Mantua for that purpose. This 
unfounded accusation had caused injurious reports to 
be spread against the one courtier whose perfect honesty- 
was unique in those days, and whose honour had 
always been absolutely stainless. He is greatly dis- 
tressed, more especially by the fear lest for one moment 
his mother should have any doubt. He hears that 
Madonna Aloisia is ill, and at once fears that she is 
worried and anxious ; he cannot even go to Casatico to 
reassure her, as under present circumstances he knows 
that it would be unwise, and perhaps awaken fresh 
suspicion. He mentions to her the secondary causes 
for his delay ; that the roads are unsafe, chiefly from 
enemies of the Pope, and that he could not obtain 
permission from the Duke. 

"Alia Magnifica e Generosa Donna Maria Aloisia 
Gonzaga da Castiglione. Urbino. December 22, 151 1. 

''This evening I have received, through our M. 
Agostino, a letter from Magnificenza Vostra, together 
with that of which she wrote to me. It is all extremely- 
precious to me, especially- the money, which could not 
have arrived at a better time. ..." 

He has heard by word of mouth that which he could 
not have believed possible, and it is supposed that his 
hints apply to the line taken by the Marchese, who has 
been always unfriendly to him. Then he adds : 

" Patience, this also is fate. May God give His pro- 
tection ; but it is true that I see great misfortune over 
this City, and especially this poor House. ... I wish 
that our Signor knew in any degree what kind of 
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servitor I had been to him. But of this I will say no 
more. . . . 

** Wedo not know what will be for our good or for evil. 
I have been here at Urbino several days with some 
improvement in my recovery, excepting that I cannot 
sleep. My taste has come back to me somewhat, but 
not my strength yet, especially in the legs. ..." 

In his next letter, a month later, he says : 

" . . . Of our matters I will say no more ; God does 
all things for the best. There has certainly remained 
ill-will towards me, and I have been under a cloud. II 
Sig. Marchese has again said certain things against 
me, and it grieves me much that any evil tongue has 
more strength than my true service. If some faithful 
messenger comes here, I shall rejoice indeed if la 
Magnificenza Vostra will send me word that she is not 
troubled about it. Bernardino is the bearer of this ; I 
have given him a commission for a thing which I have 
desired for many years, that is a suit of armour from 
Germany, for I find myself badly armed. [It was to 
cost about 70 florins.] ... I should also like two caps 
in the Italian style, those without sides, black, lined, 
and with two folds, the caps wide and low. ..." He 
hopes that matters may be so arranged that they can 
meet. 

These personal matters were blotted out in the great 
military events which took place shortly afterwards. 
On Easter Sunday, April 11, 1512, the battle of 
Ravenna was fought — the fiercest and most desperate 
conflict on Italian soil since the overthrow of the 
Goths. It was a brilliant victory for France and 
Ferrara, but was dearly bought by the death of Gaston 
de Foix. All the chief leaders on the Papal side were 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

taken prisoners, including Fabrizio Colonna, the Legate 
Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici, and the Marchese of 
Pescara, the husband of Vittoria Colonna. The Spanish 
Captain-General, Cardona, saved himself by flight. 
The Duke of Urbino was not present, as only four 
days before, Castiglione's forebodings had been justified 
by a Bull from the Pope, who, irritated by his keeping 
aloof from the war, declared his nephew a rebel and 
absolved his subjects from their allegiance. On hear- 
ing of the lost battle, Francesco Maria at once placed 
his family in safety at San Leo, and rode in haste to 
Rome to express his regret and offer his most devoted 
service. Pope Julius, whose courage never failed be- 
fore any disaster, now wasted no words, but recalled 
his Bull, and gave back the baton of command to the 
young Duke. The valiant Pontiff had his hands full 
with a General Council on hand, which he opened 
with splendid equanimity on May 3, only three weeks 
after his crushing defeat. 

He also found time to enlist 18,000 Swiss under the 
warlike Cardinal Schinner, Archbishop of Sion, and 
concluded a truce with the Emperor, who suffered the 
Swiss mercenaries to pass through his dominions. The 
Duke of Urbino made up for the past by rallying the 
broken battalions of the League and raising fresh 
levies, while the French army, threatened on every 
side, "melted away like mist flying before the wind." 
Francesco Maria took possession of Bologna without 
a blow, having previously regained most of the 
Romagna. There are several interesting letters of 
Castiglione's from Rimini, where he is in the thick 
of the fighting and has the most urgent need for his 
new armour and for camp equipments of all kinds. 
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** Rimini has been retaken for the Church, and we 
have the fortress also. ..." 

Parma and Piacenza had followed the example of 
Bologna, the Swiss took Parma, Genoa asserted her 
independence, and before the end of June the French 
had crossed the Alps. The situation was desperate for 
the Italian allies of Louis XII, and in answer to an 
appeal from the Duke of Ferrara, the King advised 
him to make the best terms he could with the Pope. 
There was no help for it, and the brave Alfonso, who 
had fought with such splendid gallantry, was compelled 
to submit to the most humiliating terms before he 
could even obtain a safe-conduct to plead his cause in 
person before the Pope. He humbled himself to the 
dust in vain, for his vindictive foe refused to accept 
anything less than the surrender of Ferrara itself, 
which the Duke stoutly refused. Upon this, the 
** Master of the Game of the World " was so furious in 
his threats that it was very doubtful if he would play 
the game fairly, and Fabrizio Colonna — the released 
prisoner and now the chivalrous friend of Alfonso 
d'Este — carried him off in the night of July i8 to the 
safe protection of his own stronghold at Marino. In 
vain Julius fiercely hunted for the exile, who remained 
hidden during three months in the various fortresses 
of the Colonna, or in his own impenetrable swamps. 
He did not turn up in Ferrara until the month of 
October. 

The city had been well ruled and guarded by 
Cardinal Ippolyto and the Duchess Lucrezia Borgia, 
but meanwhile all his dominions had been confiscated 
save Ferrara and the territory around, which the Duke 
of Urbino was urgently commanded to take possession 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

of at once. But the general feeling of all the princes 
of Europe was in favour of the Duke of Ferrara, and 
his sister Isabella d'Este, after vain embassies to 
Rome, sent messengers to Francesco Maria imploring 
him to make only a pretence of the threatened in- 
vasion. That he hated the task we learn from Cas- 
tiglione's letters written from Rimini, Ravenna, and 
Modena. There was much malaria in all that district 
after recent inundations of the Po, and the army was 
ravaged with fever, so that at length a retreat was 
made to higher ground. We find an extremely in- 
teresting letter written from Lugo, between Ravenna 
and Castel-Bolognese, on October 17, 1512 : 

''. . . When I was in Bologna I had two letters from 
Magnificenza Vostra . . , and with regard to what she 
tells me, I pray that she will not give herself trouble 
and anxiety ... for I have hope in our Lord God, 
that He will guide me and defend me from all perils as 
He hath done hitherto, by mediation of the prayers of 
good people. ... I have been a little doubtful about 
that which M. V. wrote to me, that I must take care 
who I suffer to sleep in my room, as 1 do not know 
why she says it . . . because I do not see that I have 
any secret enemy. About the matter of the Secretary 
... I want a man accustomed to hardships, and I 
should like one who writes well. Under these con- 
ditions and knowing what I want, M. V. may send me 
one when she pleases. . . . 

''The bearer of this is a Spanish gentleman, who is 
a great friend of mine and goes to Mantua for his affairs. 
I have invited him to the house because he is a very 
polished and worthy man, and I pray M. V. to receive 
him well. . . . About other matters I would have her 
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be of good cheer and put her trust in God Who will 
help her. And for her satisfaction, 1 will tell her that 
il Signor Duca is pleased to make me a present of a 
Castle in the State of Pesaro which, as I understand, 
is in a very beautiful and pleasing situation, in a fruit- 
ful district and looks out towards the sea, and although 
not like ours in Lombardy . . . yet it is surrounded 
with beautiful lands. The Castle is called Ginestreto. 
. . . M. V. may tell M. Polissena, who may tell 
M. Camilla, that I have my Castle and only want my 
5000 ducats. . . . Nothing is to be said of this until 
Pesaro is actually in the hands of the Sig. Duca, for a 
thousand things may happen first. ..." 

In point of fact, the Duke of Urbino took possession 
of Pesaro the following January, 15 13, but Castiglione 
had another castle instead. 

In August, 15 1 2, a great Congress of Ambassadors 
had been held at Mantua, where it had been decided 
that the Medici should be restored to Florence, and 
Massimiliano Sforza, the young son of Lodovico il 
Moro, should be placed on the throne of Milan. Both 
these schemes were carried out, but it was not until 
December 29 that the young Duke was actually estab- 
lished in the rule of his ancestors. Castiglione men- 
tions in a letter of December 12 that he is going to 
Milan before long, and as this will be an important 
embassy, he asks his mother to send him forty gold 
ducats of his money. He also wants two very hand- 
some "scuffiotti" (man's cap), one of which should be 
of drawn gold as they wear at Mantua. He will be glad 
to have them made ready at once. The dress of a noble 
for great occasions appears to have been extremely rich 
and costly. In his next letter he mentions that he has 
96 




Hanfstacngl, Photo 

POPE LEO X 
WITH CARDINALS DEI MEDICI AND ROSSI 



Raphael 



To face p. 96 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

not a "quattrino" in hand. *'We have not seen a 
soldo of pay from the Pope for six months." He also 
wants his horse sent, and another fur lining (for going 
to Milan in the dead of winter) as he has only one of 
marten-skin. 

After his return from Milan, Castiglione writes, 
January 28, 1513, that the Duke has taken possession of 
Pesaro and that he hopes to go there the second week 
in Lent. 

*'. . . As we are there I think that I shall obtain 
possession of my Castle, which is no longer Ginestreto, 
because I have had it changed for another, which is 
called Nuvillaria, and the Sig. Duca is content. This 
is much more convenient, only two miles from Pesaro, 
very good air, and a most beautiful view by land and 
sea ; it is five miles from Fano, as fruitful as possible, 
and has a good Palace, which is mine, and is of the 
same value as Ginestreto, and perhaps more, which 
pleases me well, and may God give me grace to enjoy 
it with much content. I shall be able to say that I 
have a house at Pesaro, so near is it. . . . Urbino, 
28 January, 1513." 

This castle of Nuvillaria stands on high ground and 
dates back to the twelfth century, while two hundred 
years later a massive tower of three stories was added 
by the Malatesta. The view from the hill is mag- 
nificent, overlooking Pesaro and Fano, and the valleys 
of the Metauro and the Isauro, with the hill country 
between. To the north our horizon is only bounded 
by Monte Bartolo, while far away to the south we see 
the pilgrim town of Loreto, and on a clear day even 
the distant coast of Dalmatia. The castle is now in 
ruins, but the name will ever be linked with the 
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memory of the great Courtier of the Renaissance, 
whose enjoyment of it was for so brief an hour. 

The investiture of the Duke of Urbino to Pesaro, 
and his full absolution for all past offences, were the 
last acts of the great warrior Pope who lay dying in 
the Vatican, while the splendid Carnival procession, to 
the honour of his mighty deeds, passed in triumph 
through the streets of Rome. After his boisterous life 
he made a pious and seemly end, and was lamented as 
never Pope had been before by the people, who looked 
upon him as the ''deliverer of Italy from the bar- 
barians." His death was a great loss to his nephew 
Francesco Maria, who used all his influence for the 
election of the Cardinal de' Medici, and was present 
with Castiglione at his public coronation as Leo X, on 
March 19, 15 13. It is rather a curious detail to learn 
that the new Pope had only been in minor orders, and 
was ordained priest on March 13, and consecrated 
bishop on March 17. 

By a Bull of April 17, Leo showed his sense of 
obligation by confirming the post of Captain-General 
of the Church to the Duke of Urbino, who soon after 
departed from Rome, leaving Castiglione as his am- 
bassador to watch over his interests. On May 28, he 
has occasion to write : 

'* 111""" et Ex'^^ Sig"" e Patron mio. . . .The Pope has 
not decided, and cannot yet make up his mind whether 
he shall send the army to Parma and Piacenza, because 
he will be ruled according to the progress of the French. 
It does not seem to me that E. V. [Your Excellence] can 
settle anything ; because to go and remain waiting 
there without any honourable enterprise, I not not 
believe would be either your wish or to your honour. 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

According to what happens, I will advise V.E. as 
seems needful. . . . The Swiss promise great things. 
. . . The English descend upon the French in great 
numbers. The Emperor says that he has made pro- 
vision of troops for the destruction of the French . . . 
and has sent help to Verona. Madonna Margherita 
has proclaimed war against France throughout all 
Flanders. . . . Concerning all these things letters have 
come to the Pope. God knows what is true ; every one 
speaks and writes as he pleases. . . ." (This is from a 
hitherto unknown letter, discovered by Martinati in 
the archives of Florence, and is the only one found 
to break the long silence until April, 1516.) 

We have no concern with the political problems 
bequeathed by Julius to his successor, who began with 
universal peace as his watchword in Italy. While the 
Duke of Urbino, as Prefect of Rome, held the Pope's 
bridle in his first state procession from St. Peter's to 
the Lateran, Alfonso of Ferrara rode by his side in 
gorgeous white and gold brocade, having obtained 
full absolution for his rebellion against the Holy See. 
'*Once Venus reigned, then Mars, now Pallas holds 
her sway," was the motto which expressed the general 
feeling with regard to the accession of Leo X, the cul- 
tured head of the Medici. It was during the long 
residence which followed, at the Papal Court, that 
Count Baldassare Castiglione came into most intimate 
communion with all the greatest minds of the day. 
Amongst these we may mention Raphael, Michel- 
angelo, Bembo, Sadoleto, I'Unico Aretino, Inghi- 
rami, Beroaldo, Bibbiena, now the Pope's secretary, 
Giuliano de' Medici il Magnifico, and many other men 
of letters and artists, some of whom had been his 

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friends at the Court of Urbino, and were to figure in 
the pages of his Cortegiano. 

It is scarcely possible for us to realise the extent to 
which Rome had become a centre of culture in that 
Golden Age, and the marvellous fascination which it 
held for all who came within its magic circle. As 
Cardinal Riario wrote to Erasmus, who had felt this as 
strongly as any one : ** Every one who has a name in 
science throngs hither. Each has a fatherland of his 
own, but Rome is a common fatherland, a foster- 
mother, and a comforter to all men of learning." 
Nowhere was the living work of the Renaissance more 
visible. A new birth in very truth ; no mere copying 
of antique models, but fresh creative impulse stirred to 
noble performance by admiration of the past. The 
mind of the scholar, the poet, and the artist hovered 
between Paganism and Christianity, and loved the 
beautiful in both. '* On reeds dropped from the hands 
of dead Pan," each one in his own sphere piped a 
vagrant fancy or a lofty dream. 

In those first years of the young Pope, his Court 
was the centre of artistic and literary society, to which 
scholars and learned men gave the tone, while wit and 
brilliancy and courtliness lent a charm to daily life. 
**The Vatican was crowded with historians, men of 
learning, and above all with poets. . . . Amongst 
them we notice Berni the burlesque poet, Flaminio 
the elegiac poet, and I'Unico Accolti, who recited his 
poems by torchlight escorted by a Swiss guard, and 
hailed by the acclamations of the multitude. Leo 
himself was the first to applaud, and the duchy of Nepi 
was the poet's recompense. Here too was Tommaso 
Inghirami, the learned Librarian of the Vatican, 

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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

known as the " Phaedrus of the Humanists"; Paolo 
Giovio, rhomme aux om-dire, as Rabelais called him, 
who came to read fragments of his history, and was 
saluted by the Pope as the modern Titus-Livius. 

*'A11 Rome has become a museum, an academy; 
everywhere songs, everywhere science, poetry, the fine 
arts, a sort of voluptuousness of study. Here we find 
Calcagnini, who has already hinted at the rotation of 
the earth ; there is Ambrogio of Pisa, who talks 
Chaldean and Arabic ; and Valerianus, a master of 
philology, archaeology, and jurisprudence, who oc- 
cupies his leisure with poems worthy of Horace." A 
School of Greek was specially founded for the distin- 
guished teacher John Lascaris, and Leo commissioned 
Beroaldo to publish the newly discovered works of 
Tacitus. In the circle of highly cultured cardinals, 
Bibbiena (Bernardo Dovisi of) writes a most successful 
play in imitation of Plautus, and Bembo the Ciceronian 
warns the learned Sadoleto not to let his style be spoilt 
by too much study of St. Paul's Epistles. 

This was the world in which, in the year 15 13, 
Castiglione found himself absolutely at home, in a 
most congenial milieu, with kindred souls all around. 
For the guiding spirit of the age was that modern 
Platonism which he had learnt of the great Marsilio 
Ficino (1433-1499) "physician of souls," the translator 
and exponent of Plato and Plotinus. Pope Leo, his 
cousin Giulio de' Medici, Cardinal Riario, and many 
others at that Court of Rome, had all been pupils of 
Marsilio, and had learnt from him that Platonism was 
the link which joined Christianity with antiquity. The 
ideal he set before them was that ** man was conceived 
as like unto God, and was named divine ; his destiny 



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was to seek eternal union with the God from whom he 
came . . . God the archetype of the universe . . . the 
ground of all our reasoning, the light of all our 
seeing." A striking illustration of this lofty thought 
is shown in the work of the two great artists, Michel- 
angelo and Raphael, both friends of Castiglione, who 
may be said to have reached their high-water mark of 
greatness at the time of Leo X's accession. 

Can we doubt that the sublime Moses for the tomb 
of Pope Julius is an allegory of him as lawgiver, 
priest, and warrior, about to lead the Church from its 
long wanderings to the sight of that Promised Land 
where man's faculties will be consecrated to union with 
God? And surely, as Castiglione gazed on the roof 
of the Sixtine Chapel, he would understand its symbol- 
ism and see how by that array of Sibyls, Patriarchs, 
and Prophets, the soul of fallen man was taught and 
trained and led upwards to the feet of Christ the 
Redeemer. 

This spirit of Platonic mysticism is still more clearly 
seen as guiding the hand of Raphael in the work 
which he had already accomplished before the death of 
Julius, in the Stanza della Segnatura of the Vatican. 
The school of Athens is drawn after Marsilio's model 
of the Accademia, the classical assembly of philoso- 
phers, where Plato in the centre, on the steps of a 
portico, is pointing to heaven. He thus stands forth 
as the exponent of that saying in Marsilio's Academy 
of Noble Minds that our life's work is an ascent to the 
angels and to God. Around him on either side are the 
serene philosophers Socrates, Aristotle, Pythagoras, 
Archimedes and others, in deep meditation on themes 
beyond all mortal ken. 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Again, in the Parnassus we have another illustrious 
company : the great poets of past ages holding high 
communion with Homer, Virgil, and Dante seer and 
mystic, guiding them on the upward way. This and 
the Disputa del Sacramento — much of the finest work 
of the Renaissance — had been accomplished before the 
death of Julius ; but Castiglione, in his intimate friend- 
ship with the artist, may have watched Raphael as he 
painted the latter half of the Stanza d'Eliodora ; the 
"Flight of Attila," in which Leo I, with the features 
of Leo X, is pictured on his white mule with his 
cardinals around, invoking the aid of St. Peter and 
St. Paul who appear in the clouds. This is supposed 
to refer to the retreat of the French ; while the 
"Liberation of St. Peter" is said to have allusion to 
the release of Leo when Cardinal de' Medici after the 
battle of Ravenna. 

The beautiful fresco of Galatea, borne over the waves 
in her shell, was painted by Raphael in 15 14 in the 
palace of the Farnesina, where we know that Castigli- 
one was constantly a welcome guest of the art-loving 
Agostino Chigi, and Raphael may have talked over 
with him the designs for the charming story of Psyche, 
painted later on the ceiling. In the stately gardens of 
this palace was a glorious ilex avenue which led to the 
famous pavilion where Chigi entertained with such 
sumptuous magnificence Pope Leo and all the famous 
men of the day. He it was who ordered the Sibyls of 
S. Maria della Pace from the great artist, to whom he 
was a generous patron. How often may Raphael and 
his courtier friend have passed together along that 
southern bank of the Tiber, by the old Aurelian wall, 
until they reached the picturesque house with Gothic 
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windows at the corner of the Via Piscinula, near the 
bridge of S. Bartolomeo, where dwelt Margaretta, the 
Fornarina beloved by the artist, and with whose por- 
traits we are so familiar. 

Another companion of Castiglione in his walks 
through Rome at this period was Lodovico Ariosto, 
who hurried to the Eternal City on hearing of the 
accession of Leo, only to meet with disappointment. 
Still he owns that if he had taken Orders, his old friend- 
ship might possibly have obtained for him a bishopric ! 
He tells how his literary friends took him round the 
different quarters of the city : here was the Circus, here 
the Forum, there Suburra (where Virgil lived near the 
gardens of Mascenas, and where the last of the Horatii 
stabbed his lamenting sister). *' Here is the Sacred 
Way, and here Vesta and beyond, Janus had their 
temples." Those were the wonderful days when con- 
stant treasures were excavated, especially in the Golden 
House of Nero and the Baths of Titus. In his many- 
sided poem of Orlando we find a mirror which reflects 
the intellectual luxury, the ravishing seductive image 
of Rome as Ariosto saw it. 

Yet in this famous poem of Ariosto we touch upon a 
point which cannot be ignored in the later Renaissance 
— the note of decadence in this revelry of culture. The 
opening years of Leo X's pontificate were full of pro- 
mise, but to his self-indulgent nature the atmosphere 
of flattery and adulation was most baneful, and he 
grew to care more and more for his own ease and 
pleasure and luxury. This was how he "enjoyed the 
Papacy which God had given him ; he spent 8000 
ducats a year on his kitchen, 100,000 in gaming and 
presents to Court favourites . . . and showed equal 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

zest for a hunting trip, a fresco of Raphael, an indecent 
comedy, a discussion between Bembo and Bibbiena, or 
the elaborate farce of a practical joke." 

In this way it was easy to dissipate the immense 
treasure left by his predecessor, whose great works of 
building and sculpture he left unfinished; he put a 
stop to Michelangelo's work on the splendid tomb of 
Julius, and wasted the great master's time on fetching 
marble from Carrara and in the making of roads. The 
promises he made to the learned professors he brought 
to Rome were not kept, and they were left in poverty ; 
he suffered Leonardo da Vinci to go to France, and 
even the pay of Raphael, whom he really admired and 
patronised, was left five years in arrear. Leo had a 
passion for buffoons, and troubled little about the 
moral character of those who amused him. Amongst 
these, a notable instance was Pietro Aretino, a man of 
evil and licentious life who had ''risen from a dung- 
hill " and soon made his mark by the vigour and 
brilliancy of his language. It was said of him : 
'* Have Aretino for your friend, for he is a bad 
enemy. God guard every one from his tongue." He 
is best known as writer of the most scurrilous Pas- 
quinades. 

We are told that Leo, whose health was delicate, 
made deliberate calculations to prolong his life by 
pleasure. He spent much time at his hunting palace 
of Magliana, about six miles beyond the Porta Portese, 
on the Tiber, within easy reach of Rome in his state 
barge. Here there was excellent hunting and hawk- 
ing, and he kept all kinds of strange beasts in the 
grounds — fourteen eagles sent him by Charles V, an 
elephant and a rhinoceros from Emanuel of Portugal, 



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porcupines, ostriches, and other foreign animals, besides 
his horses, mules, dogs, and falcons. 

The Pope was magnificent in his hospitality, and 
was perhaps seen at his best when some great lady 
from a foreign Court came on a visit to the Eternal 
City. We have a very full account of the coming of 
the Marchesa Isabella d'Este in October, 15 14, when 
she was met at Bolsena by Giuliano de' Medici, Car- 
dinal Bibbiena, I'Unico Aretino, and others. Amongst 
her friends in Rome there was no one with whom she 
was more intimate than the Count Castiglione, and he 
appears to have been one of her chosen companions 
on this her first visit. Isabella received the warmest 
welcome from all the Papal Court ; cardinals and great 
nobles vied with each other in giving banquets and 
entertainments in her honour, but that which delighted 
her most was the performance of Cardinal Bibbiena's 
comedy, the Calandria, at the Vatican, by the Pope's 
command. This play had been acted for the first time 
at Urbino, just before the death of Julius in 1513, and 
Castiglione gave a glowing account of it to his friend 
Lodovico di Canossa. Then, as now at Rome, the 
scene painting was a marvel of art ; a gorgeous 
spectacle of a beautiful city with streets, palaces, 
churches, towers, loggias, temples, and arches. 

The play owed its plot to the Mencechmi of Plautus, 
and was a broad farce concerning the adventures of a 
twin brother and sister, exactly alike, who, in their 
love intrigues, constantly change their dress and 
character. Of its good taste the less said the better ; 
but the ladies' chief interest was probably in the music 
and dancing of the interludes. "First, a moresca of 
Jason, who came dancing ... in fine antique armour ; 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

then came two bulls vomiting forth fire. These 
Jason yoked to the plough, which they drew. He 
then sowed the dragon's teeth, and there sprang up 
antique warriors who danced a fierce moresca, trying 
to slay him . . . but each killed the other. Then 
Jason again appeared with the golden fleece on his 
shoulders, dancing admirably. In the second interlude 
there was a lovely car, wherein sat Venus with a 
lighted taper in her hand, drawn by two doves . . . 
with Cupids around, dancing with bows and arrows 
and blazing torches. . . . The third interlude showed 
Neptune on a chariot drawn by sea-horses, while eight 
monsters performed a sword dance. . . . The fourth 
showed Juno on a fiery car with a crown and sceptre, 
her chariot drawn by two beautiful peacocks . . , sur- 
rounded by eagles, ostriches, sea-birds, and party- 
coloured parrots. . . . Then came the allegory of Love 
kindling men and earth, sea and air, with a holy 
flame to chase away war and discord and unite the 
world in harmony. . . ." 

The Marchesa Isabella was very fond of plays and 
had seen a great many, at Ferrara, at Milan, and at 
Mantua, and although she was bored at times after a 
performance of five hours or so, yet strangely enough 
she never complains of their immorality, save on one 
occasion at her old home in Ferrara, when the Cassaria 
of Plautus was performed, and she sat through the 
whole of it herself, " showing disgust and displeasure," 
although she would not allow her ladies to be present. 
Among these, we may remember, was the fascinating 
Brognina, the lady-love of the Spanish Viceroy Car- 
dona, and the fair Delia, beloved by the young Marchese 
di Pescara, the fondly idealised husband of Vittoria 
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Colonna. The much lauded refinement of great prin- 
cesses was of a curious quality in those days. 

After enjoying themselves immensely in Rome, 
Isabella and her ladies went on to Naples, but by 
express request of the Pope they returned for the 
Carnival festivities of 1 515. The Marchese of Mantua, 
querulous and in ill-health, had to yield although 
he was by no means pleased at his wife's long 
absence. Giuliano de' Medici was away in France 
just then, on his way to marry the Princess Filiberta 
of Savoy, with whom he received the Duchy of 
Nemours from the French king, and Bibbiena wrote 
to him : " All Rome says that nothing is wanting here 
but a Madonna to hold a Court." If the cardinals 
missed the Marchesa, she certainly found it very dull 
at home after receiving so much attention and adula- 
tion. 

During this period of leisure from wars and distant 
embassies, Castiglione seems to have devoted himself 
in earnest to his work of the Cortegiano, the first 
rough idea of which he had sketched out *'in a few 
days " after the death of Duke Guidobaldo in 1508. By 
this time distance had lent a glamour to the past ; 
those delightful literary conversations at the Court of 
Urbino had found time to crystallise in the writer's 
mind, and in clear perspective he could trace out the 
plan of his immortal work. We can make out the 
date of the latter part of the Cortegiano with some 
accuracy, as in the Fourth Book he mentions the death 
of Cesare Gonzaga (15 12), and the dignity of Doge of 
Genoa attained by Ottaviano Fregoso (1513-1515), 
while Giuliano dei Medici is spoken of as still living. 
The sudden death of this prince on March 17, 1516, 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

was a fatal blow to the young Duke of Urbino and all 
his friends. 

Before Leo had enjoyed his high position for many 
months his great ambition had been to form a power- 
ful sovereignty for his brother Giuliano, and for this 
purpose he proposed to avail himself of the whole 
might of the Papacy. It was with this object in view 
that he had arranged the marriage (January, 1515) with 
the Princess of Savoy, the aunt of Francis, who was 
soon to succeed to the French crown ; he gave the 
bride a rich dowry, and prepared a splendid palace in 
Rome for his brother. He had hopes of Naples in the 
future, but meantime his heart was set on making his 
brother Duke of Ferrara and also of Urbino. But 
Giuliano, in gratitude for the happy years of exile 
which he had spent with Duke Guidobaldo and Fran- 
cesco Maria, positively refused to be made a prince at 
the expense of his benefactors, and all the Pope's per- 
suasion had no effect upon him. Even on his death- 
bed Giuliano earnestly pleaded the cause of Francesco 
Maria, but Leo only replied: **You attend to getting 
well: it is no time to speak of these things." It was 
family aggrandisement which the Medici Pope so 
ardently desired, and his brother's death only placed 
his nephew Lorenzo in the foreground. Leo lost no 
time : he was deaf to the entreaties of the horror- 
struck Castiglione, and Francesco Maria, Duke of 
Urbino, was summoned to appear in Rome at the 
beginning of April, to be tried for the murder of 
Cardinal Alidosi and his other crimes. 

The widowed Duchess Elisabetta and her faithful 
friend Emilia Pia set forth at once from the stricken 
Court at Pesaro, where the Revere family had dwelt 
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since the birth of the young heir, and hurried to Rome 
to implore mercy for her beloved nephew, but the Pope 
would listen to no entreaties. We have an extremely 
interesting letter written by Castiglione to the Duke on 
April 15, 1 5 16, explaining all the arguments which he 
and the Duchess Elisabetta had used, and stating that 
the Pope was willing to give them a safe-conduct by 
word of mouth for the Duke, but not a written one. 
The matter of his coming to Rome is evidently so 
serious and so dangerous, that Castiglione dare not 
advise, but ends by saying "that His Excellency must 
decide according to what seems to him prudent and 
judicious ... a quello baso le mani." In the answer 
of Francesco Maria we see that he is most grateful to 
his ambassador for all his efforts, but he evidently feels 
that his life would not be safe in Rome. 

Pope Leo was obstinate and inexorable. The un- 
fortunate Duke was excommunicated on April 27, and 
deprived of all his states, his subjects being absolved 
from their allegiance. In May the states of Urbino were 
invaded by the Papal forces from three different quar- 
ters, in such overwhelming strength that Francesco 
Maria, anxious to save his people from a hopeless strug- 
gle, yielded all but a few citadels, one of which, San Leo, 
held out with desperate courage until September. The 
Duke, with his wife, his infant son, and the Dowager 
Duchess, escaped by sea from Pesaro in a violent tem- 
pest to the mouth of the Po, whose course brought 
them to Mantua. This disaster was a great blow to the 
Marchese, who would gladly have welcomed his 
daughter Leonora and his sister Elisabetta, but for 
fear of making the Pope his enemy, provided them at 
first an abode at Pietola. Later in August, when the 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Pope's nephew, Lorenzo dei Medici, was invested with 
the Duchy of Urbino, the two exiled duchesses were 
permitted to reside in the Castello of Mantua with a 
yearly allowance of 6000 ducats from the Marchese 
Francesco. Of the little boy, Guidobaldo, not much 
more than two years old, we hear that: *'He is the 
most gentle and pleasant lord in the world. He 
talks boldly of great things and says, ' If Pope Leo 
had come by himself, he would never have taken the 
state of the Lord my father ' ; and other things at 
which we marvel." This was in a letter to the young 
Prince Federico Gonzaga, the son of Isabella d'Este, 
whom with her usual worldly wisdom she had sent to 
France to pay his court to Francis I, the victor of 
Marignano. This the lad of fifteen appears to have 
done with great success, turning to account the training 
in manners and diplomacy which he had acquired, 
when a hostage and a favourite in Rome, with Julius II. 



CHAPTER VII 



1516-1521 



Marriage of Count Baldassare Castiglione— The 
Emperor Maximilian succeeded by Charles V— 
Death of Francesco, Marchese of Mantua— Cas- 
tiglione IN Rome— A Latin ode— Portrait of the 
Count by Raphael— Death of Ippolita Castiglione, 
wife of the Count— Death of Leo X— Francesco 
Maria, Duke of Urbino, at once recovers his 

ESTATES 

In this year 15 16, which was so disastrous for the 
Revere family of Urbino, they were joined in their 
exile at Mantua by Count Baldassare Castiglione, in 
whose personal history we have to chronicle an ex- 
tremely interesting event. After the many attempts 
which his friends had made to arrange an alliance for 
him, they were at last successful in finding him a 
bride, suitable in every respect. Ippolita Torelli, 
a charming and accomplished maiden of fifteen, was 
the daughter of Count Guido Torelli of Montechiaru- 
golo, a noted condottiere^ and of Francesca Bentivoglio, 
the niece of Laura Bentivoglio, who had married 
Giovanni Gonzaga, the youngest brother of the Duchessa 
Elisabetta. This great lady was already a connection 
of her favourite Castiglione, and was highly pleased 
by his marriage with so close a relation of her own. 
There were great festivities and entertainments on the 
happy occasion ; the invalid Marchese himself drove 




Hanfstaengl, Photo 



RAPHAEL OF URBINO 



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out to meet the bride, as did also the young Duchess of 
Urbino, Laura Bentivoglio, and a great company of 
nobles and ladies. Apparently as a special compli- 
ment, Elisabetta Gonzaga and the Marchesa Isabella 
welcomed the bride and bridegroom in their own 
splendid thirteenth - century palace on the Piazza 
Sordello. For that which was banishment to the poor 
Duke of Urbino, was to Castiglione but a return to his 
own home and his own kindred, to the great joy of his 
mother who had so long been separated from him. As 
for the young bride, she won golden opinions from all 
the illustrious company. ('' la sposa, la quale in gesti 
et in costumi satisfece ad ognuno.") 

As a delicate attention to Castiglione, a performance 
of the comedy Ogo Magoga, written by Messer Falcone 
(the friend whose loss had caused him so much grief 
eleven years before), was given at the Palazzo of Gio- 
vanni Gonzaga in the Borgo Pradella, before a most 
distinguished audience. During the following winter 
the Count in his peaceful home life had time to put 
the finishing touches to his Cortegiano, although he 
did not feel that it was ready yet for publishing. In 
the spring of 1517 he went to Venice for the Feast of 
the Ascension, with his young wife and his two sisters, 
the widowed Polissena and Francesca, the wife of 
Tommaso Strozzi, who was at that time in attendance 
on the Marchesa Isabella on a visit to the south of 
France. We do not know whether Castiglione had 
any diplomatic mission or whether he went to Venice 
solely for pleasure ; in any case, he was received with 
great honour by the Doge Leonardo Loredano and 
other distinguished Venetian nobles. 

During the greater part of this year Francesco 
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Maria made a desperate attempt to recover his duchy, 
but all his gallant fighting only obtained for him in 
the end certain concessions from Pope Leo, such as 
the payment of his troops, and permission to take his 
guns, his banners, and the celebrated library of Urbino 
back with him to Mantua. The Pope also promised 
to pay the dowries of the two duchesses, but this was 
never carried out. The campaign of Urbino, this 
shameful act of brigandage, is said to have cost him 
thirty thousand men and a million of scudi. And 
small indeed was the profit ! His nephew Lorenzo, 
for whom he had so deeply sinned, closed his evil life 
early in 1518, a year after his ambitious marriage with 
the French princess, who died in giving birth to 
Catherine de' Medici, the curse of France in the days 
to come. 

To return to the story of Count Castiglione. On 
August 4, 1517, he writes from Mantua a most charac- 
teristic letter to his lord : — 

''111™° et Ex™° S"^ e patron mio. I should wish to 
have power and friends and strength and more than 
one life, that I might spend all things in the service 
of Your Excellency. As God has granted to me a son 
who was born yesterday ... I would have you know 
that you have one servitor more, and amongst other 
reasons for my rejoicing, the chief one is that there 
will be more of my blood to spend in the service of 
V. Excel. . . . and thus it will be with all the others 
who may be born to me, if such be the will of God. 
. . . Humbly I kiss your hands, in bona gratia mi 
raccomando. 

" De V. Exel. humil servo 

''Baldesar Castiglione." 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

From other sources we learn that there were great 
rejoicings at the birth of this little Camillo, and the 
Duchessa Elisabetta came with Emilia Pia and all the 
noble lords and ladies in Mantua to offer their warm 
congratulations. Fra Matteo Bandello told one of his 
amusing stories on this occasion, to amuse the com- 
pany. 

This Bandello, in his NovellCy relates how on one 
occasion he was in the company of Isabella d'Este, in 
her beautiful gardens at Porto, with their delicious 
terraces above the Mincio, sylvan arbours, marble 
fountains, lawns green with perpetual verdure and 
musical with the voice of waters. There was an 
animated discussion on the subject of the death of 
Lucrezia, M. Benedetto praising her highly, while 
Mario Equicola contended that she was mad to kill 
herself. Bandello was going to consult the remarks 
of St. Augustine on the subject, in his City of Gody 
when of a sudden "that noble and learned cavalier, 
Count Baldassare Castiglione, appeared, and the 
Marchesa, with her most gracious smile, called upon 
him to settle the dispute. Castiglione would have 
excused himself, but Isabella insisted ; whereupon he 
told the whole story, and summed up in praise of the 
most chaste Lucrezia's action . . . which I repeat in 
the words of the gentle, learned, and eloquent Cas- 
tiglione." In such pleasant literary society, varied with 
music and singing, surrounded by friends on every 
side, and enjoying for the first time a real home of his 
own, we may well believe that the happy days passed 
all too quickly. 

But the year 15 19 brought many changes. As a 
rumour from afar, we hear of the death of the Emperor 
"5 



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Maximilian, and the succession of his grandson 
Charles V. Lucrezia Borgia, the wife of Duke Alfonso 
of Ferrara, died this year, deeply lamented by all who 
knew her ; but that which most concerns this story is 
the death of the Marchese Francesco of Mantua, at 
the end of March, 15 19. He had of late shown great 
friendship and honour to Castiglione, and it was 
possibly on this account that, on the succession of the 
young Duke Federico, the Count was persuaded to 
enter his service ; as his former lord, Francesco Maria, 
the exiled Duke of Urbino, still lived in retirement and 
almost in concealment at Goito. 

Lorenzo dei Medici, the usurping Duke, had died at 
Florence on May 4, and as Castiglione passed through 
that city on May 20, on his way to Rome, it was with 
eager hope of pleading for the restoration of the right- 
ful lord of Urbino. But Leo X was inflexible, and 
lost no time in annexing the whole duchy to the Papal 
States. On other subjects he was most friendly to the 
Mantuan ambassador, and sent gracious messages to 
Federico and his mother, so that they had good hope 
of obtaining the post of Generalissimo of the Church, 
which the young Marchese greatly desired. The 
Marchesa had given various commissions to Castigli- 
one, knowing the great friendship between Raphael 
and himself. He obtained a design (which was never 
carried out) of a tomb for the late Marchese Francesco, 
and in his letters he describes the wonderful paintings 
of the great master in this, the last year of his life. 
He also tells her all the latest news in Rome, and 
sends her a wonderful oration of a young Roman, 
Celso Mellini, who became a great favourite of the 
Pope, but only enjoyed his brilliant career for a few 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

months. He was drowned one dark November night 
as he was crossing the swollen river on his way back 
to Rome from the Papal villa La Magliana. Leo him- 
self wrote a Latin elegy on the tragic end of his young 
friend. 

We have two letters which the Count wrote to his 
young wife, from whom he was now separated for the 
first time: ''Alia mia cara ed amata Consorte Maria 
Ippolita Torella da Castiglione. Reading your letter 
over again, I find . . . that you would like to go to 
Modena and remain there several days. ... I am 
delighted that you should go where you please, but 
take care that you have good attendance, and I would 
make a condition that you do not allow yourself to be 
so transported with pleasure in your Anna (her baby 
girl) that you lose all memory of us others, which, to 
tell the truth, would not be fair. ... I send you as 
much loving greeting as possible. Love me. 

''In Rome, June 28, MDXIX." 

"If you, my dear wife, have been eighteen days 
without hearing from me, I during the same time 
have never been four hours without thinking of you. 
. . . Unlike me . . . you only write to me when you 
have nothing else to do. It is true that your last 
letter was a long one, praised be God . . . but would 
you have me tell the Pope how much I love you ? for 
certainly all Rome knows it, so that many tell me that 
I am desperate and in evil case because I am not with 
you ; and I do not deny it, . . . for indeed I wish 
that I could fetch you from Modena and bring you 
here. Think it over if you will come here, and let me 
know. Tell me also without joking if there is any- 
thing which you would like me to bring you, that 
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would please you . . . and I will bring it. ... I cannot 
yet name the day of my departure, but I hope it will 
be soon. Praying you to remember me and love me, 
as I always remember you and love you so much, more 
than I can say, and greet you with all my heart. 
'* In Rome, the last day of August, MDXIX." 
It was at this time that Castiglione wrote the beauti- 
ful Latin ode of more than a hundred lines, in which 
Ippolita is supposed to lament his absence. It is 
entitled : — 

BALTHASSARIS CASTILIONIS ELEGIA 

QUA FINGIT HIPPOLYTEN SUAM 

AD SE IPSUM SCRIBENTEM. 

The ode is too long to quote in full, but the following 
selections are very interesting : — 

Sola tuos vultus referens, Raphaelis imago 

Picta manu curas allevat usque meas. 
Huic ego delicias facio, arrideoque, jocorque, 

Alloquor &, tanquam reddere verba queat, 
Assensu, nutuque mihi saspe ilia videtur 

Dicere velle aliquid, & tua verba loqui. 
Ag'noscit, balboque patrem puer ore salutat, 

Hoc solor long-os decipioque dies. 



Quid queror? en tua scribenti mihi epistola venit, 
Grata quidem, dictis si modo certa fides ; 

Te nostri desiderio languere, pedemque 

Quam primum ad patrios velle referre lares. . . 

Your picture by the hand of Raphael traced 
Recalls to me your features and remains 
My only joy, while I your absence mourn. 
I smile upon your image, jest and talk, 
As if those pictured lips could make reply, 
Until it seem that 'tis j^our very self 
Sweet converse holding with me as of old. 
The boy looks up and sees his father's face, 
ii8 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Which smiling he salutes with lisping mouth. 
Thus in my lonely state I cheat the creeping days. 

But why complain? Lo, while the words I write 

Your letter comes, my heart's delight, if truth 

Be of a certain found in what I read. 

You weary of the lingering days which pass 

Afar from me, until you may return 

With hurrying steps to your ancestral home. 

The portrait of Count Castiglione by Raphael is 
one of several which the artist painted of his friend. 
It may have been the picture with regard to which the 
ambassador of Alfonso Duke of Ferrara writes to his 
master in 15 19, that he finds it very difficult to ''get 
speech of Raphael da Urbino, as he is too much en- 
gaged in painting the ' Transfiguration ' for Cardinal 
dei Medici and the portrait of Baldassare Castiglione 
to see me." 

This great work of art was long a treasured possession 
of the Gonzaga family, and is now in the Louvre. 

Castiglione returned to Mantua in November and 
spent a few months of peaceful happiness with his 
young wife and his little Camillo and Anna. But at 
Easter there came bad news from Rome. Pico della 
Mirandola wrote to the Marchesa that ''Raphael of 
Urbino passed away on the night of Good Friday, 
leaving us all . . . in the most profound and universal 
grief. ... At this Court we can speak of nothing but 
the death of this great man, who has ended this first 
life at the age of thirty-seven. His second life, that 
immortal fame which knows neither time nor death, 
will endure eternally. . . ."At the time when he was 
seized with his last illness, Raphael was engaged in 
painting his wonderful "Transfiguration," and the 
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unfinished picture was hung above his bier when all 
Rome came to look upon him for the last time, with 
grief and lamentation. He was buried with splendid 
pomp in a chapel of the Pantheon, near the tomb of 
Maria Bibbiena, whom her uncle the Cardinal had 
destined for his bride. 

It was a curious coincidence that the painter's great 
friend and patron, Agostino Chigi, died almost at the 
same time. "Much less loss to the world," as a 
contemporary remarked. To Castiglione the early 
death of Raphael was a terrible blow, as they had so 
much sympathy and affection for each other, and when 
apart carried on an intimate correspondence. This is a 
portion of one of Raphael's letters to his friend : 

*'Sig. Conte. I have made drawings in various 
manners according to the suggestion of V.S. and have 
satisfied all, unless all are my flatterers ; but my own 
judgment is not satisfied, because I fear not to satisfy 
yours. Of those I send V.S. make choice of any, if 
any are esteemed worthy by you. Nostro Signore 
[Pope Leo], in his wish to honour me, has placed a 
great burden upon my shoulders ; which is the care of 
the fabric of St. Peter's. I hope, indeed, not to sink 
beneath it, and the more so since the model which I 
have made pleases His Holiness, and he has praised it 
as having much beautiful talent, but my thoughts rise 
higher. I should desire to find the beautiful forms 
of ancient buildings, even if the flight were that of 
Icarus. ... I should hold myself a great master if the 
half of what V.S. writes to me were true, but in your 
words I recognise the love which you bear me. ... If 
this has any excellence of art, I know not, although I 
labour to have it. Di Roma." 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Raphael had painted two portraits of his friend 
Castiglione, who is also said to be represented by a 
full-length figure in the Stanza of the Vatican. 

Count Castiglione was again sent to Rome in July, 
1520, on the important mission of trying to obtain for 
the young Marchese of Mantua the post of Captain- 
General of the Church. It was a great trial for him 
to leave his wife again so soon, as she was in delicate 
health, but he never suffered his personal wishes to 
interfere with his public duties. Immediately after his 
arrival at Rome he writes to his mother : 

"Alia Molto Magnifica Madama mia Madre onere- 
volissima Maria Aloisia Gonzaga da Castiglione. . . . 
By the Grace of God, I arrived in Rome last Tuesday, 
the 17th inst., very weary and overcome with the heat. 
. . . Nostro Signore [the Pope] received me most 
cordially; we shall see what success we have. . . . 
Will V.S. be good enough to tell me how she is, and 
how is my wife, and the children, and how all goes on 
at home? Above all things, she must keep well and 
put all worries aside. ... As for me, it does not seem 
to me that I am in Rome, because I have no longer 
here my poveretto Raffaello, whose blessed soul may 
God have in His keeping. ..." 

But a deeper tragedy was at hand which would touch 
him even more nearly. On August 20, 1520, not six 
weeks after her husband had left her, Ippolita wrote 
him this pathetic little note : — 

"Consorte mio caro. I have given birth to a little 
daughter, which I think you will not be sorry to hear. 
I have been much worse than I was last time . . . and 
I have had three bad attacks of fever. At present I 
feel better, and hope to have no more pain. I will not 



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write more as I have not much strength. * Con tutto il 
core mi raccomando alia, S.V.' Your wife, who is a 
little weary with pain. In Mantua." 

These tremulous words were the last loving farewell 
of the young wife and mother, who was barely nineteen 
when she closed her eyes upon life, with all its joys and 
sorrows. All unconscious of his loss, the Count wrote 
to his mother on August 27, two days after the blow 
had fallen. "... Yesterday I had your letter . . . 
telling me of the birth of a little girl. May our Lord 
God be praised. It is true that I had half expected that 
it would be a boy ; yet still this one will be very 
dear to me. I should like to know if her eyes are light. 
I think that my wife must be going on well, for if she 
had fever, Vostra Signoria would have told me. . . . 
When I came away I left word with my wife what name 
I should like if it were a girl, but as I have forgotten it, 
I will write soon in a letter to her. . . . As this 
messenger is leaving in haste, I cannot write the name 
of the child, and the godfather ; if there is no peril, 
V. S. will wait for the baptism that I may send word ; 
and to her I commend myself." 

The charming young Countess was greatly lamented 
at Mantua, and Isabella d'Este felt so much sympathy 
with the bereaved husband that she sent a special 
messenger to Cardinal Bibbiena praying him to break 
the sad news to his friend. She herself wrote most 
kindly: *'I know . . . the grief which you must feel 
at the loss of so precious a treasure as your dearest wife 
who, as you hear . . . has passed out of this present 
world into immortal life. . . . We ask not that you 
should not sorrow, for we too feel the deepest grief, both 
for your sake and because of the great love which 
we bore to your wife. ..." 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

No words can describe the sorrow of Castiglione at 
this irreparable loss of the young wife whom he loved so 
dearly, and whose memory was ever present with him. 
The brief romance of his life was over, and the three 
babies, including the small Ippolita who was named 
after her lost mother, lived henceforth under the tender 
care of their grandmother, Madama Aloisia, and their 
father's letters are full of the keenest interest and love 
for them. In answer to a kind letter of condolence 
from the young Marchese Federico, he wrote, on 
September i : — 

'* . . . I never thought to have so great a grief in 
this world as the death of my wife ; nor did it seem 
reasonable for me to believe that the poor dear would 
have to take this journey before me ; but I have had, 
and have, and always shall have a sorrow beyond 
words . . . for this bitter death ; but thus it hath 
pleased Our Lord. May He have compassion on that 
blessed soul, and not leave me here too long behind 
her. ..." 

It was a sad year for Castiglione, as in November the 
death of his old friend Cardinal Bibbiena was another 
loss for him. But he did not suffer his private grief to 
interfere with his work, and devoted himself with so 
much skill to his diplomacy with Leo X, that he 
obtained for the young Marchese the desire of his heart, 
and in April, 1521, he was appointed Captain-General 
of the forces of the Church, under the Pope. There 
was great triumph at Mantua, and Federico and his 
mother could not say enough to prove their gratitude to 
the successful ambassador. He did indeed deserve it, 
for he had an arduous time with Leo X, although 
he was a great favourite with him. In a letter to his 
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mother he remarks: *'The Pope certainly bestows 
much affection on me, but none the less I do not esteem 
him so much as I did. ..." When he sends his 
mother for her ''studietto," a picture of Our Lady by 
the hand of Raphael, another of the head of a peasant, 
and an antique marble figure, things very dear to him, 
he prays her to show them to no one. This direction 
we can quite understand, knowing the Marchesa 
Isabella's grasping passion for all works of art ! 

The letters of Castiglione are full of sad allusions to 
the loss of his dear wife, but he tries to live on with 
steady fortitude, finding the chief satisfaction that is 
now possible to him in his work. He hears that the 
splendid collar presented to him by the King of 
England has been mislaid, and is very anxious that it 
should be recovered, as he hoped to leave it to his son, 
although his ''poverina Consorte" had not been able 
to enjoy it. He sends generous directions about cer- 
tain attendants of Ippolita's, and ends his letter with 
kisses to his children and longing desires to see them 
again. In a letter of June, 1521, he speaks of the 
intense heat, and is anxious about the health of his 
dear ones at Mantua ; for his own part, he is thankful 
that he is living in the Belvedere, that villa on the 
heights commanding an entrancing view of the great 
plain of the Campagna, with aqueducts and broken 
pillars standing out in relief against the purple back- 
ground of the Alban Hills. It had only recently been 
enlarged by Bramante and connected with the Vatican, 
and had been the home of young Federico of Mantua, 
when a hostage of Pope Julius. The Count remarks 
to his mother : " Would that it pleased God you had 
a place like this with such refreshing air, such a beau- 
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tiful view, so many grand antiquities, fountains of 
sparkling water. ..." In the beautiful loggia and 
the splendid court planted with orange groves, Pope 
Julius had placed his matchless collection of antique 
statues, such as the Laocoon, the Hercules, and the 
Belvedere Apollo. 

When Castiglione had accomplished his chief mis- 
sion, the obtaining for Federico the position of Captain- 
General of the Church, his loyal soul was greatly 
troubled at remaining in the service of one who was 
now actually in league with Leo X, the sworn enemy 
of the House of Delia Rovere. In this difficulty he 
writes to ask the Duchess Elisabetta to obtain from her 
nephew, the exiled Duke, his permission to remain in 
the position of ambassador at Rome, promising that 
'* in any time and place he will never fail to do his 
utmost to serve his late master, in memory of the seal 
of loving service which he had taken in his youth for 
the House of His Excellence." This appears to have 
been freely granted. The next event Castiglione thus 
describes : 

*'L'Illmo. Sig. Marchese has offered me 50 lances, 
which is indeed a great honour, and I know that his 
Exell. has done so in all affection, for which I am 
much obliged to him ; but I find myself with many 
debts, and I know that this will be much more costly 
than useful, as I shall have to spend my own money 
largely upon it. At present I hn.ve passed out of my 
first youth, and fatigue is more hurtful to me than for- 
merly ; and I know what worry it is to govern people. 
Besides, if Illmo. Sig. Marchese wished to give me 
some remuneration for my labours ... I should wish 
it to be other than 50 lances, because I hold that to be 
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fatigue and not reward, and if he had wished it in 
other times, believe that I would not have failed ; but 
for the little time which I have to remain in this world 
I do not wish any longer to eat panem doloris. 

" The Marchese has told me with many loving words 
that he has need of me in Mantua, at the war and in 
Rome . . . and has begged me to choose the place 
and work which I prefer. ... I have elected to stay 
here in Rome . . . where I can serve him best. 
... I pray Vostra Signoria to be content if I stay 
away a few months longer . . . and meanwhile my 
children and the house are better in the hands of V.S. 
than they would be in mine. You have understood 
me. ... I pray you not to speak of it, save to those 
in our confidence. ..." He wishes masses to be said 
for the repose of *'la buon' anima della mia poverina" 
at S. Francesco, at S. Agnese, and S. Giacomo, and 
alms to be given for her sweet sake. . . . 

In the letters there are frequent allusions to his 
children, and especially to Camillo his son, who was 
four years old when his father writes that he will send 
him some small animal (animaletto), and greatly longs 
to see him again. A month later, in August, he sends 
word from Rome: ''I am very glad that Pantaleone 
[the tutor] has returned for the love of Camillo, whom 
I wish to begin attending to his studies, and I would 
have him commence by learning the Greek alphabet, 
because children learn one thing quite as easily as 
another ; and you will find some one in Mantua who 
can see him in the house every day and teach him. 
..." This plan appears to have been carried out 
successfully, for in October we read : " With regard to 
the learning Greek of Camillo, I have had a letter from 
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Michele, who says so many things that he seems to me 
a flatterer ; yet it is enough that the boy shows good 
intelligence and inclination and good pronunciation. 
Concerning Latin, I would have him devote himself 
more now to Greek, because this is the opinion of 
those who know, that it is better to begin with Greek ; 
because Latin is our own language, and almost as man 
acquires it, so he uses it with little trouble ; but with 
Greek it is not so." 

The only son perhaps takes the first place, but his 
little daughters are not forgotten. ''Concerning our 
Anna [a baby of three years old], who is a little indis- 
posed with melancholy dreams, Vostra Signoria will 
give her the remedies which the doctors order ; and it 
being the judgment of Maestro Battista, who from 
affection and knowledge cannot make a mistake, I am 
willing that she should take a little wine, but, for the 
love of God, let it be so much watered that it be 
'acqua vinata,' and that only for several months. . . ." 

The appointment of the young Marchese of Mantua 
to be Captain-General of the Church made another 
sad change in the position of the exiled Duke of 
Urbino, as the Pope insisted that he should no longer 
remain in the dominions of Mantua, and even the two 
Duchesses felt they were unwelcome and went on to 
Verona. But the darkest hour is ever before the dawn, 
and better days were in store for the much-harassed 
family of Delia Rovere. 

On December i, 1521, Leo X died so suddenly that 
there was not time to administer the last sacraments. 
He was at his palace of La Magliana, in that most 
desolate spot of the Campagna, on November 24th, 
when the welcome news reached him of the entrance 
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of his troops into Milan. Castiglione was with him at 
the time, and writes that "His Holiness said he was 
as much delighted as when he was made Pope; and 
on their way to Rome all the people came out to meet 
and congratulate him, and the children with olive- 
branches in their hands. ..." The Pope was ill 
with fever, but he forgot everything as good tidings 
came pouring in : first that Piacenza had fallen to his 
arms, and on the very day of his death that Parma 
also had surrendered. If the letters of Castiglione, 
written to the Marchese of Mantua on the 2nd and 3rd 
of December (published by Contini) are authentic, 
there can be no doubt that he believed the Pope died 
of poison. 

*' I have written twice to V. Ex*^* telling you of the 
death of N. Signore, which was on last Sunday night, 
His Holiness having made a most devout confession, 
although he did not expect death . . . and his last 
words were repeated at intervals, Jesus, Jesus, Jesus, 
. . . and his body was examined last evening . . . 
and the doctors are all agreed that His Holiness was 
poisoned. ..." However this may be, Leo X was 
dead, and the princes who had been so cruelly 
wronged by him lost no time in asserting themselves. 
When the tidings reached Francesco Maria, he was 
at a Benedictine monastery on the Lake of Garda, 
and he resolved to strike a blow at once for his 
dominions. Encouraged by the French and Venetian 
commanders, and joined by the Baglioni who wished 
to recover Perugia, he hastened to Ferrara and made 
common cause with Duke Alfonso. Everywhere his 
former subjects flocked to his standard and opened 
their gates at his approach ; his own city of Urbino 
128 




Hati/staengl, Photo 



ISABELLA D'ESTE 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

threw the Papal lieutenant out of the palace window, 
and welcomed the new reign with acclamation. Only 
Pesaro made some delay, but the castellan and his 
eighty men were soon bought over. 

Meanwhile Castiglione was able to do most valuable 
service to the Duke of Urbino in Rome, for as his 
state had been formally added to the possessions of 
the Church on the death of the Pope's nephew Lorenzo, 
it was necessary to win over the College of Cardinals 
to his cause, while awaiting the election of the new 
Pope. This was accomplished with great success by 
Count Baldassare Castiglione, and a convention was 
made by which *'the Sacred College undertook to 
maintain Duke Francesco in peaceful possession of his 
citadels, fortresses, towns, and lands . . . while he 
was to undertake to serve the Church . . . and to give 
his little son Guidobaldo as a hostage into the hands 
of the Marchese of Mantua. ..." There was an idea 
of betrothing Guidobaldo to the little Catherine de* 
Medici, but it was perhaps well for his domestic hap- 
piness that this was not carried out. 

Thus the exiled Duke recovered possession of his 
estates, and returned in triumph to his home with his 
wife and the Dowager Duchess Elisabetta, who had 
seen so many changes of fortune. Castiglione himself 
was not so fortunate, as he never regained his beauti- 
ful castle of Nuvillaria. He thus tells the story to his 
mother : " . . . Vostra Signoria knows what happened 
about my Castello. Those ' poltroni ' of Pesaro have 
always been annoyed that I should have it . . . and 
when they went to capitulate with the Duke they made 
it a condition that they should keep it — Nuvillaria. 
He could not do otherwise at that very difficult moment, 
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and had to consent, but he wrote me many excuses 
. . . and has made me many promises. ..." Cas- 
tiglione evidently felt this very much, and expresses 
most dignified regrets, though in truth he had de- 
served great rewards, instead of losing that which was 
already his. Throughout the whole of his life this 
distinguished courtier and ambassador had good cause 
to lay to heart the warning: ''Put not your trust in 
princes." 



130 



CHAPTER VIII 

1521-1523 

Election of Pope Adrian VI— Baldassare Cas- 
TiGLiONE IN Rome, as Ambassador from Federico 
Marchese of Mantua— Adrian's long delay — Cas- 
tiglione's letters— Intrigues in Italy— Francesco 
Sforza becomes Duke of Milan— Retreat of the 
French — Destruction of Genoa — The Plague in 
Rome — Federico, Captain-General of the Church — 
Castiglione returns to Mantua— His Art Collec- 
tions—He ATTENDS Isabella d'Este to Padua and 
Venice— Death of Pope Adrian VI. 

The death of Leo X at the age of forty-five, strangely 
young for a Pope, was so unlooked for, that there was 
no well-concerted intrigue amongst the most influential 
cardinals for the election of his successor. The Papal 
Court was never so magnificent as during his time, 
but his death spread ruin amongst his friends, from 
whom he had borrowed to an incredible amount, while 
everything of value in the Papal treasury, even the 
tiaras and mitres, were pawned. Castiglione says that 
no one would believe the straits to which the Cardinals 
responsible for the government were reduced. With 
his splendid talents and opportunities, Leo had de- 
liberately chosen the lower way of selfish pleasure and 
luxury, so that ''never died Pope in worse repute." 
Amongst the sneers of Pasquino we find: ''Leo X 
came to power like a fox, reigned like a lion, and died 
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like a dog." If such was the impression which he left, 
we cannot wonder that the Cardinals would not vote 
for another of the Medici, although no one else had so 
much influence as Cardinal Giulio, and the Conclave, 
which began to sit on December 27, soon came to a 
deadlock. Then some one appears to have suggested 
the name of an unknown foreign cardinal, and as we 
know, by some strange irony of fate, Adrian, Bishop 
of Tortosa, was elected to the Chair of St. Peter, to his 
own amazement and dismay,^ on January g, 1522. 
Castiglione mentions a curious incident which occurred 
in this Conclave. The Cardinals came to the door 
which shut them in, and knocked, desiring that it 
should be opened, as the Cardinal of S. Marco was in 
peril of death. The ambassadors were summoned — 
only the Portuguese noble and Count Castiglione seem 
to have been within reach — and they were bidden to 
write to their princes and explain the matter. Then 
the poor old Cardinal Grimani was carried out on a 
chair, and the door was locked again. 

The enforced seclusion of the Conclave was a very 
serious ordeal for the Cardinals, especially when it was 
much prolonged. Sir Thomas Hoby (the first trans- 
lator of the Cortegiand) happened to be in Rome not 
thirty years later at the election of Julius III, and he 
thus describes the process : 

''All such cardinalles as were in Rome, after solemn 
masse of the holie ghost sung among them, entred 
into the conclave according to accustomed manner, 
viz. . . . every cardinalle had a little cabbin prepared 
for him, hanged and separated from the rest by his 
owne hangings, without anie light at all, excepet so 

1 See Marguerite of Austria, Christopher Hare, p. 272. 
132 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

muche as he lettethe in by the pinninge uppe of the 
hanging of this cabbin, within the whiche he hath so 
much place for a litle court bedd for himself, a pallet 
for two of his servants, whom he lysted to have within 
with him, one litle square table and a coffer for his 
stuff ... all walled up. . . . Thro a dresser, his own 
provision from his owne palace putt and delivered unto 
the two servants . . . the assaye or tasting thereof 
being first taken. . . . They remained there unless 
they fell ill, as often happened, when they were per- 
mitted to go to their owne palaces, where one or two of 
them diede." 

When the Cardinals came forth on that January day, 
1522, and announced the election of Adrian of Utrecht, 
the Emperor's Viceroy in Spain, there was an outcry 
of indignation in the city. A letter of the Duke of 
Ferrara shows how absolutely unknown the new Pope 
was in Italy. *'We have tried to find out who this 
Cardinal Artumensis can be, and we learn that he is a 
Fleming, a man of about sixty-five . . . formerly tutor 
of the Emperor." 

A very trying time followed for Castiglione, as the 
new Pope delayed his coming month after month, 
while all was in confusion, no money was to be had for 
any purpose as the coffers of the Church were empty, 
and he writes : *' . . . One hour seems to me a thousand 
years, for I cannot tell you the worry which I have had 
with these Cardinals ! " However, he succeeded in 
obtaining from Adrian the confirmation of Federico as 
Captain-General of the Church, and also his assent to 
the surrender of Urbino to Francesco Maria, who was 
already in possession. These were the supreme results 
of Castiglione's labours, yet it is scarcely possible to 
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over-estimate the delicate diplomacy, the constant 
watchfulness, and even the magnetic influence of his 
personality, by which this and much more was achieved. 
His keen insight, untiring patience, and perfect court- 
liness made him an ideal ambassador, while at the same 
time he was so scrupulously honest and trustworthy, 
that even his political foes respected and loved him. 

During the long months from January to August, 
1522, when Rome was left in anxious expectation of 
her reluctant Pope, the whole situation stands clearly 
revealed to us in the very full and constant correspon- 
dence of the Mantuan ambassador to his lord, the 
Marchese Federico, and also to his old friend and 
patron the Duke of Urbino. Fortunately for Castigli- 
one, he could be faithful to them both, as they were 
near kinsmen and their aims and interests coincided. 
In the mass of letters which have been preserved, he 
shows his constant devotion and indefatigable energy 
in the cause of the young prince of twenty-one, to whom, 
with far-seeing wisdom, he gives the most judicious 
advice. The son of Isabella d'Este had been watched 
over from his infancy and forced in his studies like a 
greenhouse plant, much to the annoyance of the rough 
soldier his father, of whose courage and spirit the lad 
inherited a good share. Sent as a hostage to Rome 
and made the spoilt favourite of Pope Julius, Federico's 
manners improved at the expense of his morals, in the 
corrupt atmosphere of the Papal Court. His notorious 
devotion to Isabella Boschetti was a great trial to his 
mother, who had some years before tried to arrange a 
suitable marriage for him, with the result that at this 
time he was betrothed to Maria Paleologa, daughter of 
the Marquis of Montferrato. 

»34 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

It is no easy matter to follow the tangled thread of 
the intrigues on which the Count kept keen watch all 
over Italy, and reported almost from day to day. We 
see the Baglioni restored to Perugia and Rimini sur- 
prised by the Malatesti ; while in February the Garfag- 
nana revolts, and appeals to the Duke of Ferrara to send 
a governor in place of the Papal Commissary, Alfonso 
selects for the post Lodovico Ariosto, who first makes 
his will, then publishes the second edition of the 
Orlando Furioso, and reluctantly sets out through the 
Modenese Alps to take up his rule in Castelnovo. 
Ascanio Colonna takes possession of Camerino, and 
later the rightful heir, **poor dear but ill-starred 
Sigismondo," is murdered near La Storta, probably by 
the interloper. 

Castiglione was fortunate in making peace between 
the Cardinal de' Medici and the Duke of Urbino, who 
actually obtained the post, for one year, of Captain- 
General of the Florentine forces. A little later, by 
following the advice of his faithful friend, he sent an 
envoy to Spain with such good result that he was again 
made Prefect of Rome by the Pope. The interest of all 
the Gonzaga family was at this time greatly excited by 
the hope of placing Francesco Sforza, son of II Moro 
and Beatrice d'Este, on the throne of Milan. En- 
couraged by the Imperial party, the young prince 
reached Italy early in April, and after a warm welcome 
at Mantua was conducted by Prospero Colonna, the 
head of the League, into Milan, where he was received 
"with such ringing of bells and firing of guns as 
might have brought the world down in ruins." 

Only a few weeks before, Castiglione had written 
from Rome : ** I am now joyful with the hope that the 
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Sig. Marchese Illustriss. will soon accompany the Sig. 
Duca of Milan to his home. . . . God grant that we 
may before long have news that the French are 
beaten." The French general, Lautrec, the brother of 
Gaston de Foix, had recently been strengthened by 
the coming of 16,000 Swiss whom he joined at 
Monza. But after some weeks the men became im- 
patient, and clamoured for battle or pay, until Lautrec, 
against his better judgment, found himself compelled 
to attack the enemy in a strong position near the villa 
of Bicocca, about three miles from Milan. His army 
met with a crushing defeat. The surviving Swiss re- 
treated sulkily across the passes of the Alps, and the 
French were driven to retire from Lombardy, with 
nothing left to them save the citadels of Novara, Cre- 
mona, and Milan. The young Marchese of Mantua 
appears to have greatly distinguished himself both in 
the defence of Pavia and the later fighting. Castiglione 
sends his warmest congratulations to Isabella d'Este 
on the fame which her son has acquired, and rejoices 
with pride in his triumph. But when Genoa, which 
was on the French side, was stormed and pillaged at 
the end of May by the army of the League under 
Prospero Colonna, the Duke of Milan, and the Mar- 
chese of Pescara, the chivalrous Count is horrified at 
this barbarity, and exclaims that it is *'. . . a cruel 
calamity only to think of it ! . . . All Rome is in grief 
and horror, and it seems almost incredible that this 
poor city should have deserved such a scourge." 
Sismondi says that **the ruin of Genoa shook the for- 
tune of every merchant in Europe." 

Castiglione was the more deeply interested on this 
occasion as his old friend of those halcyon days in 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Urbino, one of the characters in the CortegianOy was 
Ottaviano Fregoso, at that time Doge of Genoa. A 
man of the noblest character, a just and wise ruler, 
beloved by his people ; at the critical moment he was 
ill with gout in his palace, and when the city was 
taken by surprise he surrendered to the Marchese of 
Pescara, who treated him with great harshness and 
severity. In vain did the loyal Castiglione use all his 
influence to have his friend removed to a more gentle 
captivity in Mantua, and the Duchess Elisabetta of 
Urbino warmly seconded him, but Pescara was obsti- 
nate in his refusal, and the unfortunate Fregoso did not 
long survive his ill-treatment. 

As we read in the Cortegiano: ** II Signor Ottaviano 
Fregoso is also dead, a man most rare in our times ; 
magnanimous, religious, full of goodness, of talent, of 
prudence, of courtesy, and truly a friend of all honour 
and virtue, and worthy of such high renown that even 
his enemies were ever constrained to praise him ; and 
those misfortunes which he endured with such con- 
stancy were enough to bear witness that fortune, as she 
has ever been, so is still at this day, opposed to all 
virtue." 

We turn away with a feeling of relief from all such 
intrigues and cruel wars, to those more private and 
intimate letters of Castiglione which throw so much 
light upon his life in Rome during that eventful year. 

Isabella d'Este, " Madama Illustrissima," is a con- 
stant correspondent. She writes to ask for news, and 
to obtain his help in a variety of ways. Thus her 
younger son Ercole is destined for the Church, and 
she is very anxious about the choice of a tutor, which 
she leaves to the discretion of her brilliant and learned 
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friend. In his delightful letters he gives humorous 
accounts of the meetings in Conclave when the Car- 
dinals are all at cross purposes, some being on the 
French side, w^hile the majority are Imperialists. But 
the main subject of his letters is this unknown foreign 
Pope and his prolonged delay in coming to take 
possession, although there are constant rumours that 
he has actually started. After telling her the numerous 
ambassadors who have been sent to hasten the de- 
parture of Adrian, he adds that the Cardinals have 
decided to send no more Legates out of Italy, as that 
plan may succeed. *' Also we have letters from various 
Italians who inform us of the goodness and piety of 
His Holiness, who desires universal peace and the 
reformation of the Church. He has decided that he 
will give no benefices save to men worthy of them ; 
they say that he celebrates Mass most devoutly every 
morning, and does many other good works. . . . (He 
wishes to provide benefices with good men, and not 
men with good benefices)." 

The Marchesa has evidently appealed to Castiglione 
about obtaining her son's pay as Captain-General of the 
Church, but she is told that it is impossible to raise 
money in Rome, though he will see that certain pro- 
visions shall be sent to the army. He regrets that his 
letters are not so entertaining as in former days, but 
never has there been such a dull Carnival and Easter. 
Amidst his many engagements the devoted courtier 
finds time to obtain for " Madama Illustrissima " vari- 
ous works of art; a relief by Caradossa, "who is so 
old that this is the last work he will ever do " ; and he 
obtains for her a marvellous organ of alabaster which 
he has bought for 600 ducats, and will send to Mantua 
138 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

as soon as he can obtain enough mules to carry it. 
There is some trouble with the Roman **douane," 
who wish to charge 200 ducats, but in any case the 
great and splendid organ reached Isabella in safety, 
and was placed in her studio. 

While the Count is thus engaged, we cannot wonder 
that he is in sore need of money himself and deeply in 
debt, for of his promised salary of 1200 ducats he has 
not touched a *'denaro," and is obliged to ask his 
mother to raise a mortgage on his estate of Casatico 
and to sell some of his valuable horses. In his im- 
portant position as ambassador, constantly present at 
every great function, there are many expenses both 
with his household and his dress, which was so costly 
at that period of the Renaissance. We hear of surcoats 
and doublets of velvet and satin, hose of the finest 
white cloth, of mantles lined with marten or with 
sable, and of caps enamelled with gold ; splendid 
jewels and massive gold chains were also worn. It is 
noticeable that at his present age of forty-four Cas- 
tiglione shows a strong preference for black usually 
touched up with gold, and mentions incidentally that 
the equipment of his horse Turcone is of black velvet. 
When he has a journey before him, he is most par- 
ticular about the mules and horses he will require, and 
adds : '' Some gentlemen here have * mantello a acqua 
all Spagnuola ' [a Spanish raincoat], and I would like 
one made of good cloth, of a dark mixture or dark tan 
colour. The mantle must go all round and not be too 
long, only sufficient to cover the surcoat, with a cape 
and a little collar cut so as to fit closely to the neck." 
To order such a comfortable riding garment as this is 
undoubtedly a sign of increasing years. 
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he makes frequent mention of his household, which as 
a rule is quiet and honourable, and he has several dis- 
creet youths, pleasant and of good intelligence, who 
are being trained to his service. He takes great 
interest in his young nephew Uberto Strozzi, for whom 
he has obtained a position as gentleman of the Cardinal 
Pompeo Colonna, who was to have been sent as Legate 
to Spain, but when this order is countermanded, he 
writes: ''So Uberto nostro will be in no peril of the 
sea." 

But Castiglione has other more serious anxieties, for 
early in the summer of 1522 we begin to hear about 
the terrible plague which desolated Rome in that fatal 
year. We cannot wonder that this scourge should 
have become almost endemic in certain quarters of the 
ancient city, when modern discoveries have brought to 
light the unspeakable pollution of the precincts where 
the churches are crowded round the old Forum and the 
cemetery of S. Maria Antiqua. The Count writes to 
his mother on August 5, 1522 : 

*'. . . As I know you will be anxious about me, I 
write to tell you that I am well, Dio grazia, and my 
household. . . . With regard to the plague, we take 
every care and precaution and medicines and continue 
in prayer to God. I am here in the Belvedere, which 
is a good situation as Vostra Signoria knows, remote, 
and I do not go about much or my people . . . and 
I have not wished to leave Rome because many of 
those who have gone are fallen ill with fever, for it is 
dangerous to leave at this time of year. ... I pray 
V.S. not to be anxious, because I take care of myself 
and trust in our Sig. Dio." 
140 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

A week later he writes : 

**. . . The plague has caused great destruction . . . 
but it has been mostly amongst the poor. Cruel suffer- 
ing has been caused because all those who are ill of 
any other sickness are suffered to die of hunger and 
necessity because every one denies it, and those who 
have the plague will not say anything from fear, so 
that it is a very evil thing, for there is no great want 
of provisions. I believe that forty thousand persons 
have left Rome. Every day certain companies go in 
procession to the principal churches, and often carry 
the head of S. Sebastian and an image of S. Roch, 
and stop before the infected houses and say certain 
prayers, and cry to God for mercy. But that which 
would make Anna [his baby girl] cry very much, is 
that a great number of little children, all naked from 
the waist upwards, go in procession scourging them- 
selves and crying for mercy, and saying, Parce Domine 
■populo tuo; and with them are certain persons who 
make them go in order. ... Men are touched by the 
prayers of these innocents ; may our Lord God also be 
touched and check the sword of justice, which certainly 
will strike otherwise . . . There are said to be many 
miracles in Rome : amongst others, a woman went in 
procession with a child in her arms who had the plague, 
and the other women knew it ; but she went on with 
great faith, and arriving at S. Agostino placed the 
child upon the altar of Our Lady and it was healed 
at once. Many other miracles are spoken of. I remain 
here at the Belvedere, a place very remote and safe, 
and do not go about much, therefore V. S. may remain 
with a quiet mind, and to her I always commend myself 
and to all of ours." 

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This was the condition of Rome when the long- 
expected Pope Adrian at length made his state entry 
into the city on August 30, 1522, with the baldacchino 
borne over his head by Federico Marchese of Mantua, 
as Captain-General of the Church. It was a proud 
moment for Castiglione, as a seal of his achievements, 
and he was at once received in high favour by the new 
Pope. The Duke of Urbino also offered his homage, 
and was received with much honour and formal recog- 
nition of his restored dignities. Alfonso of Ferrara 
sent his young son of fourteen, Signor Ercole, soon 
afterwards, to plead for the restitution of Modena and 
Reggio. But this he did not obtain, although the 
Pope and the cardinals congratulated the handsome 
son of Lucrezia Borgia on his eloquent Latin speech. 

Pope Adrian himself had met with a cold reception, 
for the Curia and the people had no use for a '* Dutch 
saint " ; a gentle, pious, simple-minded old man who 
brought his aged housekeeper from the Netherlands 
and a few servants, to the stately Vatican, spending 
about a ducat a day on their food. He tried to set up 
a new standard of living, but only met with ridicule 
and contempt, for the luxurious cardinals had no in- 
tention of changing their pleasant, easy way. A learned 
and somewhat pedantic scholar, he had no interest in 
the glowing art of the Renaissance or the treasures 
of classical antiquity, and turned away from such 
statues as the Laocoon with the exclamation that they 
were heathen idols. The new Pope had no sense of 
humour, and was so indignant at the jests and epigrams 
pasted on '' Pasquino" that he threatened to throw the 
statue into the Tiber. The clever, licentious satirist, 
Pietro Aretino, who had earned the dangerous title of 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Secretary of Pasquino, found it wise to make his escape 
to Florence, where he took refuge with the Cardinal 
de' Medici, who later sent him for safety to the camp 
of his cousin, Giovanni delle Bande Nero. The gallant 
captain and the dreaded scandal-monger struck up an 
intimate friendship, which lasted until Giovanni's tragic 
death at Mantua in 1526. 

It was with much satisfaction that Castiglione, hav- 
ing successfully accomplished his mission, was free to 
return to Mantua before the end of the year. Yet it 
was a sad home-coming after eighteen months of 
absence, and must have called up many tender memo- 
ries of the fair young wife from whom he had parted 
with so loving a farewell, never to meet her again. 
His elder children, Camillo, aged five, and Anna, not 
yet four, would scarcely remember him, while the baby 
Ippolita he had never seen before. But in a world of 
change, one loving trustful soul remained ever the 
same ; his mother was still, as in the days of his happy 
boyhood, his best and dearest friend. As we see from 
their constant and intimate correspondence, the two 
were so closely knit together that they could always 
turn to each other in perfect assurance of faithful love 
and sympathy, while the motherless children were now 
another bond between them. 

Count Castiglione was now once more, after his long 
exile at the Court of Rome, in the midst of his kindred 
and friends. Although the death of his young brother 
Jeronimo had left a vacant place in the family circle, he 
had his three sisters close at hand ; the widowed Polis- 
sena with her children, Francesca the wife of the 
learned Tommaso Strozzi, whose son Uberto had com- 
menced his courtly and successful career at Rome, 
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and, dearest of all, his youngest sister, **Suor Laura," 
leading her saintly life in the neighbouring convent of 
Santa Paola. Under all these home influences we can 
picture the Mantuan noble settling down to a life of 
comparative leisure and peace. He had taken up his 
literary work again, for we know that he sent for the 
papers of his Cortegiano to Rome, and had been 
engaged in revising them in the charmed seclusion of 
the Belvedere. He found constant interest in his 
country villa of Casatico, where in the hot weather his 
children could play in the beautiful shady gardens, as 
he had done of old, and where he could give personal 
care to his splendid stud of horses. 

In his letters of this period we also learn that the 
Count is adding rooms to his stately palace in Mantua 
which he is "extremely anxious to adorn," and is 
engaged in filling with the treasures of art which he 
collected in Rome. He writes to various friends about 
**an exceedingly beautiful cameo for which he has a 
strong desire . . .", for a bust which Giulio Romano 
has discovered belonging to a head in his possession. 
. . , Later he has received the cameo of the head of 
Socrates, which is very precious to him . . . but he 
regrets the delay in obtaining that ''benedetta tavoletta" 
of Raphael, and wishes that his marble statues would 
arrive . . . but he cannot buy any more antiques at 
present unless they are very good and of a reasonable 
price. '' The Sig. Marchese is anxiously expecting his 
medal engraved by the hand of Caradossa. ..." He 
inquires about some Spanish couplets (Copla) in praise 
of Our Lady, which have the Spanish and Latin 
together. This leaves us in doubt as to whether he 
knew Spanish at this time. 
144 




Hanfstaengl, Photo 



FRANCESCA MARIA I, DUKE OF URBINO 



To face p. 144 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

But with all these personal and artistic interests, 
Castiglione is indefatigable in the service of his lord. 
He is constantly writing urgent letters to ambassadors, 
chancellors, cardinals, and other important persons in 
Rome, that they may use their influence with Pope 
Adrian to obtain payment for the Papal forces. He 
points out that it is impossible for soldiers to live with- 
out eating ... no money has been received for so long 
that the army is absolutely destitute . . . the Sig. 
Marchese has been very badly treated, and will be 
compelled to disband his companies, and this would 
be a very great pity. . . . Castiglione is also insatiable 
for news, and desires to receive the earliest intelligence 
from- the seat of war and the minutest particulars of 
every intrigue which concerns his state. Castiglione's 
diplomatic efforts were at last rewarded, and the 
Marchese Federico and his mother, Madama Isabella, 
could not do enough to show their gratitude to the 
devoted ambassador who had served them so well and 
with such complete success. There were always inter- 
esting visitors at Mantua, and this January, 1523, there 
came a certain Antonio Pigafetti, who had sailed round 
the world with Magellan, and had brought many 
marvellous tales. He told of new islands discovered in 
the Great Ocean, of the Golden Chersonese, of the 
Persian and Arabian seas, of passing the Cape of 
Good Hope into the Sea of Ethiopia, and onward to 
the Canary Isles, reaching at length their own land by 
the opposite way ; *' throwing into the shade the deeds 
of the Argonauts." 

The same month Titian came to Mantua on his way 
to Ferrara, but only remained a few days, during 
which he appears to have commenced the portrait of 



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Isabella Boschetti, which the young Marchese was so 
eager to have painted, and which was finished the 
next year in Venice. 

In the spring of 1523 Castiglione accompanied the 
Marchesa Isabella first to Padua, to fulfil a vow to 
II Santo, and then to Venice, where she found great 
changes since her last visit with the Duchess Elisa- 
betta, twenty-one years before. The frescoes of the 
Council Hall were new, and the grandest altar-pieces 
of Giovanni Bellini, the work of Carpaccio in the 
church of San Giorgio dei Schiavoni, and the 
gorgeous paintings of Titian and his pupils. The 
Marchesa was lodged in the Palazzo Barbero, next 
to the Cornaro Palace, and not far from the church 
of S. Vitale, on the Grand Canal. She was unwearied 
in visiting everything, with Castiglione and his friend 
Navagero, the librarian of S. Marco, as her guides. 
Count Baldassare had the curious good fortune of 
always being present when any especially interesting 
event took place. Thus he had been scarcely a week 
in Venice before Andrea Gritti was proclaimed Doge, 
and he was present with the Marchesa and her 
brother the Duke of Ferrara at the magnificent 
ceremonial of the new Doge's enthronement. He was 
in S. Marco at the High Mass when the stately banner 
of the Republic was given into the hands of the Doge, 
and he saw him crowned with ancient pomp at the top 
of the Giants' Stairs. In his official capacity there 
was now an opportunity for the Count to interview His 
Serene Highness and obtain assurances of his good 
feeling towards the Marchese of Mantua ; while he 
also persuaded him to engage the services of the Duke 
of Urbino as General of the Venetian forces (his 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

appointment for a year with Florence having now 
come to an end). 

It was difficult for the pleasure-loving Isabella to 
tear herself away from the delights of Venice, **that 
terrestrial paradise," as Aretino called it. The 
Venetian nobles spent the wealth of their hardworking 
ancestors in princely style. They gave splendid ban- 
quets in halls crowded with priceless works of art, 
and decorated with roses. The tables were laden with 
gold and silver plate, and the most costly wines were 
poured out like water, while endless courses of the 
most delicate food were pressed upon the guests. 

The constant life and movement on the Grand Canal, 
that "patriarch of all streets," with its ever-moving 
panorama of softly gliding gondolas, beautiful women 
"shining with silk, gold, and gems," leaning down 
from the balconies of the magnificent palaces on either 
side ; everywhere music and light and colour, such as 
no other city could boast of, to charm its passing 
guests. All this was so delightful to the Marchesa 
that she returned to Venice again the next spring. 
But no such pleasing prospect awaited Castiglione, 
who on his return to Mantua soon found it his duty to 
attend his lord to the seat of war, as in his capacity 
of Captain-General for the Pope and Florence, 
Federico had to oppose a new French invasion. 
Various letters from the camp at Fianello and Pavia 
throw much light on the hardships of this campaign. 

It was on September 14, 1523, the very day when the 
French army under Admiral Bonnivet crossed the 
Ticino, that the ill-fated Pope Adrian died, after seeing 
the ruin of all his hopes for peace, and the absolute 
failure of all his well-meant efforts for the reformation 
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of the Church. After his release from ''this chair of 
misery," as he called the Papal throne, there was a 
long Conclave of fifty days before the worn-out cardi- 
nals at last agreed to the election of Giulio de' Medici, 
on November 19. The new Pope had been for years 
an intimate friend of Count Castiglione, who was at 
once sent from Mantua to congratulate him on his 
accession, and to remain in Rome to watch over the 
interests of the Marchese. On December 10, he and 
Cardinal Sigismondo Gonzaga, the uncle of Federico, 
had an audience with Clement VII, who received them 
most kindly and pleasantly, but declined to talk about 
business. When he heard that the young Marchese 
of Mantua was not very well, the Pope replied that 
"he must take care of himself, and that he had done 
enough, and must now let the Viceroy [Lannoy] do a 
little." 

This was an amiable, diplomatic remark, which did 
not in any way commit His Holiness, who was still 
vague as to his future policy. 



148 



CHAPTER IX 

1523-1525 

Cardinal dei Medici becomes Pope Clement VII— 
Count Castiglione sent to Rome— Received with 
great honour by the new Pope— Castiglione ap- 
pointed Nuncio and Collector at the Court of 
Spain— Battle of Pa via— Francis I taken prisoner 
TO Spain— Many intrigues— Letters of Castigli- 
one — He is in great esteem and friendship with 
Charles V— Concerning Charles de Bourbon, Due 
DE MoNTPENSiER — Death of Elisabetta Gonzaga, 
Duchess Dowager of Urbino. 

The pontificate of Clement VII had opened with every 
promise of good fortune and success. The Roman 
people rejoiced in the hope of a return to the golden 
age, and in this the artists, the men of learning, and 
the pleasure-loving cardinals were of one mind. But the 
tumult of applause which greeted his coronation had 
scarcely died away before a cloud appeared upon the 
horizon, for when the new Pope had to decide upon 
his political action, he showed himself a true Medici 
and began to temporise at once. Between the two 
great foreign Powers which struggled for supremacy in 
Italy, the Emperor Charles V and Francis I of France, 
Clement would not honestly come to a decision, or 
loyally support either prince. He wished to await the 
course of events, and make sure of being on the 
winning side, or — which would have suited him best — 
to hold an even balance in Italy between the two, so 
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that he himself might always remain the supreme 
arbiter. 

In the troubled state of Italy it was imperative that 
Castiglione should prolong his stay at the Papal Court 
to watch over the interests of his lord, to whom he 
continues to write constantly, telling all the news of 
Rome, and entering into the minutest details of all the 
interviews he has with the Pope, who treats him with 
the most intimate friendship. Yet never before had he 
felt it to be so grievous a trial to be kept far from 
his home and the children, whose education and train- 
ing had become to him an absorbing interest. Rome, 
too, was no longer the same to him as it had been in 
those bygone happy days when he was surrounded by 
his friends — Raphael, Giuliano de' Medici, Bibbiena, 
and others ; now he felt lonely and haunted with sad 
memories. We hear much of the plague, which still 
lingered on ; the weather was unpropitious, and there 
was great scarcity of food that year. 

In a letter to his mother in May he tells her of the 
trouble which he has had in his household. His cook 
took the muleteer and Gio. Bello (another servant) into 
the city to feast at a tavern one night, and both the 
guests took the plague, but they did not go back to 
the house. Gio. Bello went to the house of a poor 
woman and died there, while the muleteer was taken 
to the hospital and his fate was still uncertain. The 
cook himself appears to have escaped the infection, but 
could not be suffered to return to the Belvedere. The 
Count adds words of comfort to his mother as to the 
precautions he takes against this terrible pestilence, to 
set her mind at rest. 

It is in a letter to the Marchese Federico of July 20, 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

1524, that we have the first hint of that coming event 
which was to cause so tremendous and tragic a change 
in his future life. Castiglione writes : 

** I had remained two days in the house with a slight 
indisposition, when yesterday N. Signore sent for me, 
and with many good and honourable words made me a 
discourse about the love which he had always borne to me 
for my merits, and the trust which he had in me . . . 
and he would make a proof of this confidence . . . that 
it being necessary that he should send a man of quality 
to be with the Emperor, where he would have to deal 
with all things that belonged not only to the Apostolic 
See, but to Italy and all Christianity ; therefore having 
considered all those who might serve him in such a 
position, he had not been able to find any one from 
whom he could hope for better service than myself ; 
and therefore he desired that I should be willing to 
accept this enterprise, which was the most important he 
had in hand. I thanked him, and kissed the feet of His 
Holiness for the trust which he had shown me . . . and 
that I should feel bound to serve him to the best of my 
power . . . but only if it were pleasing to V. S. 
Illustriss. . . . The Pope replied that he would write to 
V. S. Illustriss, but he was sure it would be a great ad- 
vantage for you to have some one to serve your interests 
at the Court of Csesar [the Emperor]. . . . This is quite 
a new idea to me, but I did not wish to oppose the will 
of His Holiness, and also the service of V. S. Illustriss. 
The decision remains with you. ..." 

Only one answer was possible from the Marchese, 

and when this arrived Castiglione wrote to his mother 

on August 4 and tried to break the matter gently to 

her, fearing that she would be distressed. *'. . . Nostro 

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Signore thinks of sending me to Spain to be with the 
Emperor and treat with him about universal peace 
throughout Christendom . . . thus I have accepted 
from my soul's desire to acquire merit with God and 
praise and honour with men, and possibly to render 
other great service. Therefore I pray Vostra Signoria 
to be content, and to remain of good cheer, because I 
hope that this going may be for my peace. ..." 

The whole soul of the man is revealed as clear as 
crystal in these simple words, which are most pathetic 
in the light of coming disaster. It has been well said 
that ** to serve one master loyally and to speak truth to 
him without fear or favour had been Castiglione's 
practice throughout his career. As like as not Pope 
Clement had been attracted to him by his frankness and 
honesty — two qualities which exercise a singular 
fascination over men incapable of either. But it is a 
desperate blunder for a double-dealer to imagine that 
he can make an efficient tool of an honest man. He 
cannot, for the simple and profoundly ironic reason 
that he cannot bring himself to trust him."^ Dim 
shadows hung over the future, but the gallant knight 
went forward bravely to meet it ; he accepted fatal 
responsibility and exile to an unknown land, in the 
spirit of a confessor or a martyr. 

It was no lure of wealth which attracted him, as we 
see in one of the last letters to his mother which have 
been preserved : 

''If Vostra Signoria were told that the Pope had 
given me 150 ducats of salary, you would not believe 
it ; and indeed it is quite a joke throughout Rome. It 
is true that the office of Collector of Spain, which I 

1 Walter Raleigh. 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

have, is great and useful, and also the powers are of 
importance ; but the salary is such as I have never had 
before. Our Lord God will do with me that which 
seemeth good to Him. ... In Roma alii 17 di 
Settembre, MDXXIV." He writes again on the ist 
of October: ^'. . . The day after to-morrow I leave 
Rome if it please God, and I go to Mantua, by way of 
Loreto, where I have a vow (at the famous shrine of 
the Virgin). Will V. S. give orders to prepare the 
rooms and especially the stables, for it will be necessary 
to use those of M. Tommaso, and perhaps those of 
other neighbours, because I believe that there will be 
with me about 20 or 30 horses. Will V. S. see that 
there is straw, and some little hay and oats for the 
horses ? I will send word three days before my coming, 
and will state the exact day. With all my heart I 
commend myself to you, and to all of ours." 

The Marchese Federico, knowing that Castiglione 
had great influence with a famous pupil of Raphael's, 
Giulio Romano, begged him to persuade his friend to 
come and settle in Mantua, that he might decorate his 
palace. *'With many entreaties and promises" the 
Count succeeded in obtaining the Pope's permission, 
and inducing the painter to return with him. He also 
brought certain models and plans of a villa and gardens, 
by Michelangelo, for the Marchesa Isabella, but these 
appear to have been too costly to carry out. The work 
of Giulio Romano remains to this day the glory of 
Mantua, in the Castello and the Palazzo della Giustizia. 

Isabella d'Este was very pleased that *'il Magnifico 

Baldassare Castiglione" was appointed the Pope's 

Nunzio in Spain, as she had decided to send her 

younger son Ferrante to the Court of the Emperor, 

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and the Count had written to her from Rome :"...! 
shall often wish myself back in Mantua when I am 
in Spain, but I shall find consolation in serving the 
Sig. Ferrante until God suffers me to return and seek 
the rest which I need at my time of life. ..." (At 
this date he was forty-six years of age.) 

With all his high aims and friendly commissions, 
Castiglione was at length equipped for his departure, 
and took leave of his home, his mother, and his three 
young children — all that made life precious to him — 
which he was never to see again. Of this eventful 
journey to Spain we have the fullest accounts in his 
letters to the " Datario " (Head of Papal Secretaries), 
Messer Matteo Giberto, one of the two men who had 
the greatest influence with Clement VII. He was on 
the side of France, while the other Papal favourite, 
Niccolo Schomberg, Archbishop of Capua, took the 
part of the Emperor. The Pope had declared himself 
neutral in this great struggle between Spain and 
France, but he had secretly concluded a treaty of 
alliance (on December 12, 1524) with Francis I, who 
had again invaded Italy and was besieging Pavia. 
Meanwhile Castiglione, in absolute ignorance of this 
treachery, had orders to meet the Duke of Milan and 
the Viceroy Lannoy in Cremona, and to assure them 
of the unchanging favour of the Pope. Then he was 
to go to Milan, where he was received with the greatest 
honour by La Tremouille, who was in command, and 
next was directed to seek an interview with the French 
king in the camp before Pavia. 

26 December, 1524. Al Signor Datario (Giovan 
Matteo Giberti). "... To-day I went into the camp 
and did homage to the King and gave him the Brief 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

. . . and told him about my going to the Emperor, 
together with ... all the intentions of His Holiness, 
who desires nothing but the general peace and quiet 
of Christendom, without respect of persons. . . . The 
King, with many words well spoken and with much 
courtesy, replied to me that he was quite certain that 
Nostro Signore would do nothing without th highest 
motives ; and that His Holiness had never had a more 
obedient and affectionate son than himself. . . . Then 
with infinite reasoning he tried to justify the occasion 
of his war . . , and showed that those who said that 
he disturbed the peace of Europe were wrong ; because 
he only asked for that which was his by right . . . 
and so continued, showing great reverence to Nostro 
Signore and firm hope of victory. ..." 

We can imagine the amusement of the Most Chris- 
tian King, with the secret treaty in his possession, 
pouring out all these platitudes to the simple-minded 
honest ambassador, who was, however, shrewd enough 
to see that the condition of the French troops was by 
no means satisfactory, and that they had far more 
respect for the imperial army than they would own. 

After this episode, Castiglione continued his journey, 
and by way of Susa crossed the Alps and reached 
Lyons. Here he found the city in festivity, **as there 
had come news that the Pope and the Venetians had 
joined in alliance with the Most Christian King, friend 
of his friends, foe of his foes. The particulars have 
not yet arrived, but there are processions and great 
rejoicing . . ."so the ambassador writes to Cardinal 
Salviati on January ii, 1525. It seems to us extra- 
ordinary that Castiglione should be so full of his 
splendid dreams of universal peace and goodwill 
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throughout Christendom, that he does not see the true 
meaning of all these reports. Everywhere he has so 
warm a welcome and so much personal respect, that all 
combines to keep him in a charmed slumber. Passing 
through Barcelona and Saragossa (on March ii, 1525), 
he reaches Madrid, where he is received with the 
greatest honour and pleasure by the Emperor Charles 
and all his Court. 

He is met with the news of the battle of Pavia, 
which had taken place on February 24, when the 
French were totally defeated, Francis I was taken 
prisoner, and his most distinguished generals were 
killed or captured. This victory practically made 
Charles V master of the fate of Europe, but the 
young prince of twenty-four behaved on this occasion 
with extraordinary moderation. He offered thanks- 
giving to God, but forbade all public rejoicing in 
Madrid; "for this is not a time, when a Christian 
King has fallen under such misfortune." As Castigli- 
one writes to the Papal Secretary : " Every one has 
shown more joy than His Majesty, and it is impossible 
to describe the modesty of his behaviour." 

Under the first shock of this event, Clement VH at 
once endeavoured to make terms with the Viceroy 
Lannoy, and sent Cardinal Salviati to join Castiglione 
in Spain, that together they might persuade the Em- 
peror to ratify this agreement. Accordingly they 
presented a *' Memorial" from the Pope, in which he 
congratulated Charles on his victory, tried to excuse 
any favour which he might have shown to the French, 
and ended by urging the Emperor to undertake an ex- 
pedition against the infidels, "because at this time, 
poor Italy, afflicted and overwhelmed with so many 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

calamities, trembles, seeing herself exposed as a prey- 
to the violence of the Turks. ..." Charles at once 
replied by means of the Nuncio in most pious lan- 
guage, thanking the Pontiff and assuring him of his 
fidelity . . . and his desire to co-operate for the de- 
struction of the Turk. ..." 

We all know how much sincerity there was in the 
protests on either side. But Castiglione, in his rever- 
ence for both Pope and Emperor, appears to have 
believed in them, and writes quite a cheerful letter to 
the Marchesa Isabella giving her news of her son. 
**...! am in good health, thank God, and although 
at first all seems strange to me here, I am growing 
accustomed to the usages of Spain, and these gentle- 
men show me much friendship. The Illustrious Sig. 
Ferrante went to S. Jacopo di Gallicia a week ago. He 
is very well, in great favour with Caesar, and made 
much of by all the Spanish nobles. . . . April 6, 
1525. In Madrid." 

He wrote the lady another letter in July following, 
from Toledo, in which he recommends Isabella, who 
was now staying in Rome, to continue her journey to 
Spain and pay a visit to the famous shrine of S. Jacopo 
in Gallicia before she goes home. The Marchesa had 
always wished to do this, and she would see so many 
beautiful places on the road that she would enjoy her 
travels, the love for which was inborn in her. But this 
wish was not realised, and the two friends never met 
again. 

The Marquis of Pescara had contributed in no small 
degree to the victory of Pavia, and Castiglione wrote 
to congratulate his wife, Vittoria Colonna, whose inti- 
mate acquaintance he had made in Rome : 
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*' Illustrissima Signora mia. ... In order to express 
my joy in the glorious success of the Illustrissimo 
Signor suo Consorte, a letter seems too common a 
thing . . . and yet fireworks, fetes, concerts, songs, 
and other such demonstrations seem to me less than 
the concert of my own soul . . . and you will under- 
stand me, although my words fail to express all that I 
feel. ... As for my service towards you, I pray you 
ask yourself, and believe yourself ... for all the 
world may see it shining through my soul, as in the 
purest crystal. Thus I remain, kissing your hands, 
and commending myself humbly to your good favour. 
In Madrid, March 21, MDXXV." 

Amongst various other letters this summer is one to 
the famous Marchesa Ippolita Fioramonda, di Scalda- 
sole, in which Castiglione speaks of her as a lady 
valiant in arms, and not only beautiful but warlike as 
Ippolita the Amazon; and adds that when he " came to 
the camp at Pavia, those walls, those ramparts, those 
towers, that artillery, all spoke to me of Your High- 
ness, knowing that you were within, eager to fight 
against so great a prince as the King of France. ..." 
Of this lady, we are told by Giovio that in time of 
peace her favourite dress was of '* heavenly blue satin, 
sprinkled with butterflies embroidered in gold," sup- 
posed to be an allegory to discourage her admirers. 
(Blue was a sign of heavenly aspirations, and once, at 
a dance, the Marchesa had pointed to her sky-blue 
dress, and remarked to her admiring partner, young 
De Lescun, " You see, I do as your guards, who fix a 
tassel to their horses' cruppers, to warn people not to 
approach too near.") 

But the Papal Nuncio had far more serious matters 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

to occupy the few remaining years of his life than 
courtly letters to noble ladies. A most tremendous 
task was entrusted to him, whose hopelessness he did 
not realise entirely until the tragic end. He wrote con- 
stant letters to all the most important members of the 
Papal Court, and occasionally to the Pope himself, 
keeping them informed of all matters of importance 
which took place at the Court of the Emperor, giving 
his careful judgment on the political events of the day, 
and always using his utmost efforts to bring the 
Emperor and the Pope into sincere and perfect agree- 
ment. This, he felt sure, could alone give peace to 
Christendom and security to the Church. He dwelt 
much upon the strong religious feeling of Charles V, 
and assured His Holiness that the young prince had 
shown such modesty in the hour of triumph, that he 
felt certain, the greater the power of the Emperor 
became, the greater would be the universal good '.f 
Christendom. The conclusion of the whole matter was 
that — "Without union with Caesar, neither a general 
peace, nor union against the infidels, nor any other 
good result would ever be attained." 

Such was the deliberate and unchanging opinion of 
Castiglione, who was so highly esteemed by the 
Emperor that he had constant opportunities of intimate 
conversation with him during all the eventful period 
which followed the victory of Pavia. As we know, 
Francis I by his own request, was taken to Spain, 
where he hoped much from a personal interview with 
his captor. But the terms demanded for his ransom 
appeared to him so exorbitant that he refused to accept 
them. The King, who was accustomed to a life of 
outdoor sports, found his health affected by this close 
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confinement, and his devoted sister Marguerite came 
to Madrid to see him, and used her utmost efforts to 
obtain his release. The letters of Castiglione give us 
very full details of all the subsequent negotiations, 
which finally resulted in the Treaty of Madrid, signed 
on January 14, 1526. Francis was to marry Eleonore, 
the Emperor's eldest sister, widow of the King of 
Portugal. He was to give up to Charles the Duchy of 
Burgundy, always a contested right since the death 
of Charles the Bold, and the French were to withdraw 
entirely from Italy. These were some of the most 
important conditions, but there was another which 
touched most sharply the French king's pride. He 
was asked to forgive his rebellious kinsman, the great 
Constable of France, Due de Bourbon, and restore 
to him his vast possessions which had been confis- 
cated. 

A few words will be necessary to explain the position 
of Charles de Bourbon, who plays so important a part 
in the later tragedy, and whom we already know as the 
son of Chiara Gonzaga and the gallant Due de Mont- 
pensier, who died at Pozzuoli in 1496. His marriage 
with Susanne, the only daughter of Anne de Beaujeu, 
had brought him the immense inheritance of Bourbon, 
but on the death of Susanne in 152 1 he had been 
deprived of his estates by the jealous intrigues of 
Louise, the King's mother, and in his thirst for re- 
venge Charles de Bourbon had offered his services to 
the Emperor. He was gladly welcomed, though he 
brought only his name and his sword ; he even aspired 
to marry one of the sisters of Charles V, and was 
high amongst the victorious generals at the battle of 
Pavia. Such successful rebellion was not easy to for- 
160 




Alinari, Photo 



VITTORIA COLONNA, MARCHESA DI PESCARA 



To face p. ifo 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

give, but when Francis I at length signed the Treaty 
of Madrid, it was with the deliberate intention of 
breaking his solemn oath, and a few stipulations more 
or less were of no consequence. 

During these past months diplomacy had been busy 
on all sides, as we see plainly in the letters of the 
Papal Nuncio. The Pope had been thoroughly 
alarmed by the disaster of Pavia, and still more when 
Francis had been taken to Spain. He was weak and 
vacillating, and tried secretly to find out if he could 
form an Italian league against the Emperor. Venice 
was secured, and Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, 
seemed to hesitate. Although Charles had no definite 
knowledge of all this, he yet had misgivings as to the 
Pope's intentions, and sent word to his ambassador in 
Rome, the Duke of Sessa, to keep a close watch on 
the progress of events. Castiglione, who was also kept 
in the dark, was in much anxiety about the feeling in 
Rome and the suspicious attitude of the Pope towards 
the Emperor. 

At length he even went so far as to write a most 
beautiful and eloquent letter to Clement himself, in 
which he touches upon all the points at issue. He 
enters into minute details of the tangled web of politics 
in a statesmanlike manner, and solemnly asserts that 
from all he has seen of the Emperor he feels sure that 
with his increasing power he will show more humanity, 
clemency, and goodness, and that if the Pope will but 
enter into close and firm alliance with His Majesty, he 
will never regret it. The letter ends thus : 

**I have desired for once to satisfy myself by this 
letter, which is written only to testify my affection and 
cordial service to Your Holiness . . . not for the 

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hatred or love which I bear to any prince in this world, 
for I am only constrained by your interest alone ; that 
is the only target at which my arrows are aimed. And 
thus may our Lord God give me power to serve you 
acceptably, as above all things I desire, and so I 
remain, humbly kissing the feet of Your Holiness. In 
Toledo. December i8, MDXXV." 

This letter gives the keynote of the devoted am- 
bassador's work in Spain. But all his earnest efforts 
were in vain and his words of wisdom were unheeded, 
for the Medici Pope was now under other influences, 
and followed out his path of tortuous dissimulation to 
the end. 

Clement VII had already much to answer for. 
There can be little doubt that through his agent 
Giberti he was privy to the conspiracy of Morone, the 
Milanese Chancellor, for which the Duke of Milan was 
afterwards made the scapegoat, and turned out of his 
dominions. In this the Marchese of Pescara appears 
to have been almost persuaded to join, in his first out- 
burst of indignation at losing credit and profit after 
his victory at Pavia, when Francis I was removed to 
Spain. The question of Pescara's guilt has always 
been one of the unanswered questions of history, but 
in any case he betrayed Morone to the Emperor, and 
soon afterwards fell ill of a mysterious complaint, at- 
tributed to mental anxiety and remorse by his enemies, 
and died in November, 1525, in ill-repute with the 
world, although his memory was so long idolised by his 
wife, Vittoria Colonna. A very interesting letter of 
condolence is preserved from Count Castiglione, in 
which he says: '*I have not dared to write to Vostra 
Signoria before, lest I should say that which you could 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

not bear without extreme sorrow. Now that the calami- 
ties which have happened are so great, that, like the 
universal deluge, they have made the misery of all 
equal . . . for we know nothing, and that which 
seems to us true may be false, and that which here we 
hold for false may be true. . . . Therefore, as before 
I held that Vostra Signoria had died in your Consort 
of glorious memory, so now, beholding with a more 
true judgment, I hold that the Signore Marchese lives 
in Vostra Signoria ; thus it seems to me that all the 
virtue of the divine soul in one and the other, have 
attained to immortality . . . and so I think that what 
we look upon here as so much tribulation, will soon be 
a passing dream, which is indeed true. ..." 

The lonely man had lost many friends of late, and 
amongst them the Cardinal Sigismondo Gonzaga, 
who died at Mantua in October, 1525, and a few months 
later his sister, the beloved Duchess Elisabetta of 
Urbino, the best and truest friend of Castiglione, 
who thus mentions her in the introduction to the 
Cortegiano. ''But that which cannot be spoken of 
without tears is that the Duchessa is also dead. 
And if my mind be troubled with the loss of so many 
friends and good lords of mine, that have left me in 
this life, as it were, in a wilderness full of sorrow . . . 
with how much more grief do I bear the affliction of the 
death of my Signora Duchessa than of all the others, 
because she was more worthy than all, and I was more 
bounden to her than to all the rest." 

Even in the dark hour of so heavy a loss, there must 

have been a mournful satisfaction in the remembrance 

that he had always remained a loyal and devoted 

servitor of his dear lady, alike in prosperity and 

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COURTS AND CAMPS 

adversity, serving her in every way and keeping up a 
faithful correspondence with her until the end. In his 
last letter to the Duchess he says :''... If you know of 
anything in which I can serve you, in this matter or 
any other, I pray you to command me, as this will give 
me the most singular delight ; and most humbly I kiss 
the hands of Vostra Eccellentissima." 

The loss of Elisabetta Gonzaga was deeply felt by 
her many friends. Her sister-in-law, Isabella d'Este, 
who was then living in Rome, sincerely mourned her 
as *'the most rare lady whom this age has known"; the 
Pope expressed the greatest regret for a ** princess of 
such rare gifts and singular excellence," who had been 
a devoted friend to him in the days of his poverty and 
exile ; and Pietro Bembo wrote that '' he had seen many 
noble women . . . but in the Duchess alone were all 
virtues united . . she had no equal." 



164 



CHAPTER X 

1526-1527 

Treaty of Madrid— Francis I breaks his word- 
League OF Cognac— Charles V marries Isabel of 
Portugal— CoLONNA raid on Rome — Dismay of Cas- 
TiGLioNE— His efforts for a firm alliance between 
THE Pope and the Emperor— Battle of Mohacs 
(Louis of Hungary defeated and killed by the 
Turks)— Frundsberg and Charles of Bourbon in- 
vade Italy— The taking and the sack of Rome — 
Bourbon killed — Pope Clement a Prisoner. 

The Treaty of Madrid was signed on January 14, 1526, 
and Francis I was set at liberty on the French frontier 
on March 17, leaving his two young sons as hostages. 
The Emperor appears to have been almost alone in 
trusting to the oath of the King, for no one was surprised 
when Francis first delayed and then refused to ratify the 
treaty which he had so solemnly agreed to. The next 
move in the game took place at Cognac on May 22, 
when a League was entered into by the Pope, the 
French king, Venice, and the Duke of Milan "to 
promote the peace of Christendom." 

This was a terrible blow to Castiglione, who wrote to 
the Archbishop of Capua (the former favourite of 
Clement, but now under a shadow as he was known to 
be an Imperialist) lamenting the conduct of the Pope. 
"For I believe that from this League only war can 
follow, as this is the natural desire of the Most 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

Christian King, who desires glory for himself, and for 
the past only wishes for revenge. . . . And in case of 
war, whichever side may succeed, it will be ruinous for 
the Pope . . . and will provoke the enmity of the 
Emperor, who still bears goodwill towards His Holi- 
ness, if I am not the most ignorant man in the 
world. ..." 

The ambassador had remained in Toledo to be near 
the Emperor most of the winter, and mentions his ill- 
health as a reason why he had not gone to see the 
departure of the French king. But Charles had 
specially insisted on the Count's coming to Seville in 
March, on the occasion of his marriage with his cousin, 
the beautiful Isabel of Portugal, and we hear of the 
great festivities with which she was welcomed. The 
alliance was most popular in Spain and Portugal, for 
it was a bond of union between the two adjoining 
kingdoms, and the immense dowry which she brought 
with her was most welcome to Charles, with his heavy 
war expenses. For the war in Italy had recommenced, 
and the Imperial army in the Milanese had been with- 
out pay, and was compelled to live by spoiling the 
inhabitants. 

Castiglione had the unwelcome mission from the 
Pope of inviting the Emperor to join the League, but on 
such terms that Charles declared it was meant for his 
destruction ; and he was most indignant at the Brief 
presented to him from Pope Clement, which amongst 
other complaints accused him of troubling the peace 
of Christendom with his wars. Two or three days 
later another Brief arrived, much more temperate in 
tone, with a message that the first was not to be pre- 
sented. But it was too late, and on September 17, 
166 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

1526, Charles wrote a letter fully stating all the evil 
doings of the Pope, which he caused to be printed in 
Spain, Germany, and the Netherlands. 

In order to make terms with Clement, and also to 
obtain exact information, the Emperor had previously 
sent a special envoy, Ugo de Moncado by name, an 
unscrupulous old soldier who had served under Ccesare 
Borgia. In one of his letters to Rome, Castiglione 
expresses his strong disapproval of this man being 
selected, and he is more than justified by the event. 
Finding he could make no impression upon the Pope, 
Moncado made common cause with the powerful 
Colonna family, and at this critical moment the death 
of the Spanish Ambassador, the Duke of Sessa, left 
the unprincipled envoy free to carry out an audacious 
scheme of his own. On the 20th of September, when 
the Pope was still overwhelmed with the terrible news 
of the Turkish victory on the plain of Mohacs, where 
Louis of Hungary and all the chivalry of his realm 
fell before the might of the Infidel — his terror lest the 
Vatican should next be attacked was forgotten in the 
sudden inroad of a nearer foe. The Colonna tribe, 
with their armed retainers and some Spanish troops 
under Don Ugo, entered Rome by the Lateran 
Gate and sacked the Papal palace, the rich altars of 
St. Peter's, and the dwellings of some of the cardinals. 
The Pope fled for refuge to the Castell Sant' Angelo, 
and hastily made terms with Moncado, promising to 
withdraw his troops from Lombardy, give up the 
League, and pardon the Colonna. 

But when once the peril was over, Clement made no 
scruple of breaking his word. He sent, indeed, for 
some of his troops, but when they arrived he at once 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

proceeded to storm all the castles of the Colonna, and 
carry ruin and desolation amongst their dependents 
and helpless peasantry, with "cruelty worse than that 
of the Turks in Hungary." 

It was a curious coincidence that on September 20, 
the very day of the Colonna raid, Castiglione had 
succeeded in obtaining from the Emperor a conciliatory 
memorandum, written by his own hand in Spanish : 

''Nuncio, as you have already received the answer 
which I made to the Brief of His Holiness, which I 
could not avoid doing to defend myself from so many 
accusations which were made against me without 
reason or cause, I pray you, in order that His Holiness 
may receive it without offence, and that he may know 
my intention, which I have so fully declared . . . 
because I am certain that, knowing it. His Holiness 
will see that he has every reason to treat me as a good 
Father, and I will be his humble son ; and I assure 
you that I do not lie. De my mano yo el Rey." 

The ambassador's mind was quite set at rest by this, 
and he says : *'The ' polizza ' which I enclose appears 
to me no small testimony to His Majesty's good will." 
We can conceive poor Castiglione's dismay when the 
bad news arrived from Rome ; and from his account, 
it was with a feeling of horror and stupefaction that 
both the Emperor and all the Court heard of the 
assault on the Vatican. The Count himself has not 
the slightest doubt of the entire disapproval of Charles, 
and in a letter of many pages gives the fullest par- 
ticulars to the Archbishop of Capua. Don Francesco 
di Mendoza, who brought the news from Rome, says 
that the Pope is anxious to come to Spain and settle 
the whole matter with the Emperor. Castiglione wel- 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

comes this idea with the greatest satisfaction, and is 
most eager that it should be carried out. He gives a 
number of arguments, uses all possible persuasion, 
and says that the people of Spain, who are most 
religious in their observances, "have so much ardent 
desire and devotion towards His Holiness, that they 
will all hasten to adore him, with so many tears, so 
much love and reverence, that they will seem ready to 
die of joy." Then the Pope and the Emperor will 
together settle this absolutely needful crusade against 
the Turks. For distressing as the incident of the 
Colonna attack might be, it was half forgotten in the 
terrible disaster which had overwhelmed all Christen- 
dom, when King Louis and his whole army were slain 
on the fatal field of Mohacs. Hungary, so long the 
frontier kingdom and the bulwark of Europe, was at 
the mercy of the Sultan, who was no more a distant 
terror, to be used as a form of rhetoric when con- 
venient, but a very present and so far invincible foe, 
advancing to universal conquest. 

With the Turk at our gates, and the very existence 
of the Christian world in peril, is this a time for our 
natural champions, the Pope and the Emperor, to 
indulge in petty disputes about a few towns in Italy, or 
for the Most Christian King (title held by kings of 
France since Louis XI) to forget everything but his 
own aggrandisement? 

Such was the spirit of the Nuncio's pathetic and 
imploring appeal to Clement VII, through his secre- 
tary. But to Charles V himself it was a far more 
deadly reality ; he was wounded in the most vulner- 
able point of his family affection. When England and 
Portugal had been satisfied to give vain promises of help, 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

the Emperor had, with immense difficulty, sent some 
troops to help his brother-in-law, but they arrived too 
late, when the fatal stroke had fallen. His widowed 
sister. Queen Marie of Hungary, made despairing 
appeal to him, and his brother Ferdinand, whose wife 
Anne was sister of the unfortunate Louis, had the first 
claim to the throne of Hungary, but could do nothing 
without powerful help. Indeed, he would be the next 
victim, for his dominions were on the high road of 
conquest, and the magnitude of the need was so great 
that all else sank into insignificance before it. 

Castiglione writes from Granada, where the Emperor 
was holding his Court, and he adds a postscript to say 
that another messenger has arrived from the Infante 
(Ferdinand) saying that he fears Austria will be lost. 
He adds that it is believed that the Vaivoda of Transyl- 
vania will try to become King of Hungary, making 
terms with the Turk, and that it is feared the King of 
Poland will do the same in order to obtain Bohemia. 
. . . The Lutherans are behaving as usual (in rebel- 
lion). . . . The Emperor is still anxiously expecting 
M. Paolo d'Arezzo, who was to go to the French king 
first, as the Pope's envoy, to promote peace. . . . (He 
did not arrive until the following January, too late to 
be of any use.) 

Signer Cesare Ferramosca was sent by Charles as 
ambassador to Rome, in the place of the Duke of 
Sessa, and the Nuncio sent a memorial to the Pope by 
him, in which he earnestly prays that his "journey to 
Spain may be no longer delayed, that the winds and 
the sea and the sky may be propitious to his holy 
intention, and that fortune may hasten him and remove 
all impediments. . . . May our Lord God give us 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

grace to see the coming of the Pope into Spain, which 
I believe will be the salubrious cure for all evils." It 
is more than doubtful whether Clement ever had any- 
serious intention of going to meet the Emperor. But 
Castiglione was so absolutely honest himself that he 
believed other people, although he could not help feel- 
ing that as an ambassador he had been much neglected, 
as often he had no news or instructions from Rome for 
many months together. 

Meantime the plot was thickening in Italy, and the 
greatest tragedy of the Renaissance was steadily draw- 
ing near to its close. The Pope, in his blindness and 
folly, his vacillation and treachery, was bringing down 
upon himself swift and fatal retribution. 

Towards the end of 1526 a new element had entered 
into the tangled politics of distracted Italy. The Con- 
stable of Bourbon, having failed to deliver the Milanese 
as he had sworn to do, withdrew to Germany, where he 
saw a fresh opening. Since the First Diet of Worms, 
the Lutheran princes, grateful for some measure of 
tolerance on the part of the Emperor, were on friendly 
terms with him. In this Bourbon saw his opportunity, 
and he had no great difficulty in persuading some of 
these soldiers of fortune to join him, as the representa- 
tive of Charles, in a raid upon Papal oppression, and 
also the wealthy cities of Italy, where he promised 
them untold riches. The result was that Georg Frunds- 
berg. Prince of Mindelheim, promised to join the 
Constable in Italy, and collected a motley army of 
Swabians, Franconians, Bavarians, and Tyrolese, all 
young and active, besides a strong contingent of pious 
Landsknechte, the most powerful infantry in Europe. 
These were mostly armed with a long lance carried 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

over the shoulder, and were clad in a striped dress of 
various colours. We are assured that of the ii,ooo 
followers of Frundsberg there were 4000 fanatics who 
served without pay, in a kind of religious crusade 
against Catholicism. 

These German levies set forth in November, and 
crossed over into Italy by some little-known passes 
between the Lake of Garda and the Lake of Idro, and 
descended into the territory of Brescia. On Decem- 
ber I they reached Frosinone, and were decoyed by the 
Marchese of Mantua into a trap — the swamps and 
ditches on the banks of the Po, near Governolo — 
where they were attacked by Giovanni delle Bande 
Nere, with the pick of the Papal army, which Clement 
had left with the young Medici captain, in defiance of 
his promise to Moncado. However, by their splendid 
steadiness the Landsknechte escaped, and the brave 
Giovanni was mortally wounded, and carried to Mantua 
through a snowstorm. In the letters of his friend Pietro 
Aretino there remains a most touching account of the 
beloved captain's death, and farewell to his friend the 
Duke of Urbino, who now, instead of attacking the 
enemy, retreated towards the Venetian frontier. 

His cautious policy throughout is most difficult to 
understand. At this time his army was larger than that 
of Frundsberg, and he might have prevented the junc- 
tion with the forces of the Constable of Bourbon at 
Fiorenzuola, which took place on February 7. The 
Duke Francesco Maria is accused by some historians 
of wilful delay in fighting for the Medici Pope, whose 
cousin Leo X had deprived him of his dominions. But 
this may be to some extent accounted for by the fact 
that, as general of the Venetian forces, he was always 
172 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

accompanied by a providitore^ or official spy, to whom 
he had to explain and justify all his plans; and it would 
not be in accordance with the cold, selfish policy of 
Venice to risk anything by heroic devotion to the cause 
of the Pope, whose real intentions were doubtful. As 
it has been well observed, "What army commanded 
by a debating club ever escaped discomfiture and dis- 
grace?"^ We know that the Providitore Emo pre- 
vented the Duke from crossing the Oglio early in the 
campaign, and often paralysed his operations at an 
important point. Still, the fact remains that these 
tactics ot retreat did more than anything else to ensure 
the success of the Imperialists. Alfonso of Ferrara 
did not join the forces of the League in person, but 
he suffered them to pass through his territory and sup- 
plied them with money and provisions. 

The Duke of Ferrara might have joined the League 
of Cognac, but the Pope was unwise enough to de- 
mand such impossible terms that the Duke and his 
subjects declared " they would rather call in the Grand 
Turk or the devil himself than be enslaved by priests." 
Alfonso had therefore no choice but to take the side of 
the Emperor. 

Frundsberg and Bourbon with their united forces 
(which are sometimes stated at 30,000 men, includ- 
ing the Landsknechte, also Spaniards and Italians 
composed of men-at-arms and light cavalry), meeting 
with no opposition, passed on southwards, ravaging 
and plundering everything on their way. The ill- 
disciplined host reached San Giovanni, near Bologna, 
on February 28, and here remained for several weeks, 
in torrents of rain, and almost destitute of any sup- 

^ Macaulay. 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

plies. At length a mutiny broke out from scarcity of 
food, and the soldiers noisily clamoured with furious 
threats for their pay. Twelve thousand ducats from 
Ferrara were distributed amongst them, and in vain 
Frundsberg tried to pacify them with words of hope and 
promise ; but in their despairing rage they would not 
listen, and some of the ringleaders even levelled their 
spears at him. This defiance and rebellion is said to 
have broken the great general's heart ; he sank down 
upon a drum and never spoke again. He was carried 
unconscious to Ferrara, and lingered for a while until 
death brought release. Bourbon was left in a terrible 
position with this rebellious host, and knew himself to 
be in fact their servant and not their master. 

This was the condition of the camp when, on March 
19, a messenger arrived from Lannoy, the Viceroy of 
Naples, with news that an armistice had been con- 
cluded with the Pope. Clement had been playing his 
old game of vacillation and bad faith, for on his first 
panic of alarm on hearing of this barbarian invasion, 
he had declared himself willing to accept any terms of 
peace ; but as soon as his army met with a slight suc- 
cess at Frosinone, he withdrew his word, and declared 
that he would continue the war. Thus no one knew 
what to believe or how far to trust him. As we have 
seen, the Constable of Bourbon was not a free agent, 
and when, on March 23, Cesare Ferramosca, the Em- 
peror's ambassador, actually arrived with the signed 
treaty, all that could be done was to summon the 
various captains of the army and explain the matter 
to them. The Spanish and German mercenaries were 
furious at the prospect of losing everything, after all 
they had endured ; even their payment in full — an im- 
174 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

possible amount — would scarcely have satisfied them ; 
their cry was to march on, and the ambassador Ferra- 
mosca had to flee for his life. The Marchese di Guasto, 
Pescara's nephew, was the only general who protested. 
"If you disobey the Emperor's orders, I cannot fight 
contrary to his command " ; and he withdrew with his 
forces to Ferrara. 

The tumultuous advance continued, and made for 
the valley of the Arno with every appearance of 
threatening Florence, but the Duke of Urbino was at 
hand to protect the city, and on April 21 Lannoy met 
the army of Bourbon with 100,000 ducats which he 
had raised with immense difficulty. But the mercen- 
aries now demanded twice that amount, and Lannoy, 
in alarm for his personal safety, retreated to Siena, 
while the motley army, ever increasing on the way, 
turned aside over the passes of the Apennines, by the 
great high road to the Papal city. Bourbon had sent 
a messenger who reached the Pope on April 7, saying 
that the troops were determined to advance, and he 
was a prisoner in their midst. Yet no one appears to 
have realised how serious was the situation ; the Eng- 
lish and French envoys and the Spanish secretary 
believed that a hostile demonstration might be made 
against Rome and money demanded, but that the bar- 
barian host would pass on to Naples and hold it in 
pledge for their pay. On April 23 Clement was so 
full of confidence that he revoked the treaty which he 
had made with Lannoy, on the ground of the enemy's 
trickery, and once more joined the League, collecting 
all the troops he could raise, under the command of 
Renzo da Ceri, and doubtless trusting to the coming 
of the Duke of Urbino. 

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COURTS AND CAMPS 

On May 4 Bourbon and his forces had passed 
through Viterbo and arrived at Isola Farnese, six 
miles from Rome, from whence he sent a trumpeter 
with a letter to the Pope, expecting to receive terms 
of peace and an offer of money. But no answer was 
sent to this last appeal, and the fate of Rome was 
sealed. 

The invading army did not wait for the belated 
artillery, but made their attack in the early dawn of 
May 6 by a primitive way, with ladders taken from 
the vineyards near, to scale the low walls on the Vatican 
hill, between the gates Santo Spirito and San Pan- 
crazio. The cannon of Sant' Angelo checked the 
assault for a brief space, when the Constable of Bour- 
bon, in his silver armour shining through the mist, 
sprang forward and, seizing a ladder, called upon his 
men to follow. A minute later and he fell to the 
ground, mortally wounded. 

Philibert Prince of Orange was supposed to take 
the command, but when a breach had been made 
in the walls and the whole city was taken by assault 
during that day of slaughter, the soldiers, mad with 
success, were beyond all control, and gave way to 
every savage instinct, until the scenes which followed 
were beyond all description. The Pope and some of 
the cardinals had barely time to seek refuge in the 
Castell Sant' Angelo. 

Historians have laboured in vain to make us realise 
the full horrors of that awful Sack of Rome at the 
hands of wild and brutal soldiery. The Eternal City 
*'was at the mercy, not of a conquering army, but of 
a host of demons inspired only with avarice, cruelty, 
and lust. . . . They rushed like a pack of wolves on 
176 




Hanfstaengl, Photo 



LODOVICO ARIOSTO 



To face p. 176 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

the defenceless people. . . . Each nation contributed 
its worst qualities. . , . The Spaniards excelled in 
deliberate cruelty. The Lutherans desecrated the 
churches, and rejoiced to burn and defile what all the 
world had adored." For eight days the reign of terror 
continued unchecked ; more than 4000 people are said 
to have perished, while all who could, escaped by 
flight. 

Amongst these was Isabella d'Este, Marchesa of 
Mantua, who for the last two years had found a 
pleasant home in the Palazzo Colonna. One of her 
reasons for going to Rome had been the desire to see 
her younger son Ercole made a cardinal, and when the 
army of Bourbon was at the gates of the city she at 
length found her opportunity. For Clement, in his 
despairing need of money, had at that critical moment 
offered to sell the dignity of cardinal, and on May 3 
nominated five at 40,000 ducats each, when Isabella 
eagerly seized the opportunity of obtaining the coveted 
honour for her son. The Constable of Bourbon was 
her nephew and she felt safe, for after his death she 
was protected by her youngest son Ferrante, and when 
at last she was able to escape from the port of Ostia, 
it was with the supreme satisfaction of taking the 
cardinal's hat with her. 

Clement, a prisoner in Sant' Angelo, completely lost 
his nerve and did nothing, either by command or 
encouragement of his troops, or by negotiation, to 
lighten the situation. He was constantly expecting 
the army of the League to come to his rescue. Why 
the Duke of Urbino made no attempt to enter Rome 
we fail to understand. Ariosto evidently shared the 
same feeling, for he writes : 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

Vedete gli homicidii e le rapine 

In ogni parte far Roma dolente : 

E con incendi e stupri le divine 

E le profane cose ire ug-ualmente. 

II campo de la Lega le ruine 

Mira d'appresso, e'l pianto e'l grido sente, 

E dove ir dovria inanzi, torna in dietro, 

E prender lascia il successor di Pietro. 

( Orlando Furioso, xxxiii. 55. ) 

(See murder and rapine on every side causes Rome 
to lament; and with fire and outrage both things divine 
and worldly are swept away. The army of the League 
near at hand, watches the devastation, and hears the 
cries and lamentation, and where it should advance 
forward, it turns back and suffers the successor of Peter 
to be taken.) 

It is true chat the Pope asked for some one to make 
terms with, but when Gattinara went to the fortress he 
found Clement in tears, surrounded by his thirteen 
cardinals, and quite unwilling to make any definite 
arrangement. He hoped to get better terms by delay, 
and sent for Lannoy, who was in ill-favour with the 
army of occupation, and could do nothing to help the 
unhappy Pontiff. He was compelled later, on June 5, to 
agree to everything : to pay 400,000 ducats for the arrears 
due to the army ; to surrender Ostia, Civita Vecchia, 
Piacenza, Parma, and Modena; to restore the Colonna, 
and to revoke all excommunications of those who had 
opposed him. Clement remained a prisoner, the Prince 
of Orange resigned his command, and Lannoy, who 
succeeded him, died of the plague which raged in 
Rome during the nine months when the city was at the 
mercy of the lawless soldiery. The Pope had been 
compelled to give seven hostages, and amongst them 
was Giovan Matteo Giberti, the Datario, to whom 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Castiglione wrote so many of his letters. Giberti was 
a man of high character and attainments, but fatally- 
wrong in his political views, as he was always opposed 
to a sincere alliance with the Emperor. After his fifty- 
three days of imprisonment as Papal hostage, when he 
was brutally ill-treated by the soldiers, he gave up all 
his worldly ambitions and retired to his see at Verona, 
where he lived until 1543, a saintly and reforming 
bishop. He was an intimate friend of Vittoria Colonna, 
and much of their interesting correspondence has been 
preserved. 

We must now follow the news of Rome's desolation 
to Spain, where the Emperor and his Court received it 
with unfeigned dismay and horror. The Imperial 
Commissioner spared his master nothing ; he told the 
bare revolting story of ravaged homes, of pillage and 
rapine and murder ; and the pious Emperor must have 
shuddered at the awful desecration of holy places and 
sacred things — of all that he revered and adored. 

In seeking to measure how far Charles was re- 
sponsible, we must consider how far he who wills a 
deed is to blame for its consequences. In employing 
the services of Bourbon, the Emperor had deliberately 
let loose a destroying power of unknown strength 
which, in the event, was to overpass all bounds and 
become an overwhelming deluge, such as no man 
could check. Yet the sack of Rome — stupendous as 
was the ruin and disaster not to the city alone, but for 
the civilised world, for the literary and artistic life of 
humanity — was no unique disaster, as many a fair city 
of Italy could bear witness that such events were an 
ever-present danger from an army of fierce and desti- 
tute mercenaries, 

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COURTS AND CAMPS 

As for the Pope, he had gone to meet his fate ; when 
he took the sword in hand he accepted the fortune and 
peril of war. As he had kept faith with no one, so 
could he expect none to keep faith with him. "Even 
in his own game of Italian duplicity he had suffered 
himself to be outwitted." 



1 80 



CHAPTER XI 

1527-1529 

After the sack of Rome— The grief and despair of 
Castiglione— His justification to the Pope— Many 
LETTERS— Controversy with VALDi;z— Indiscretion of 

VlTTORIA COLONNA WITH REGARD TO THE " CORTEGIANO " 

— Castiglione publishes his great work — Letter to 
HIS children— Death of Baldassare Castiglione— 
Sorrow of the Emperor, the Pope, and his many 
friends— Brief account of the poetical works of 
Castiglione. 

From the fatal close of that great drama on which the 
eyes of the world were fixed, we turn to the pathetic 
tragedy of one human soul. What remains for us to 
say of Count Baldassare Castiglione, Papal Nuncio at 
the Court of the Emperor in Spain, the innocent victim 
of disastrous and intolerable strife which he would 
have given his life to avert ? 

After the sack of Rome on May 6, 1527, all his eager 
hopes were crushed in the dust. The gallant courtier, 
the ideal ambassador for whose service princes con- 
tested, was a broken and discredited man. From the 
beginning, his position at the Court of Spain had 
been futile and misleading. Pope Clement had never 
dared to tell the Nuncio his real wishes and intentions, 
and in the midst of his own constant vacillation, had 
sent him the most vague and scanty instructions. As 
we have seen, during the whole period Castiglione, 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

with anxious devotion, had written constant letters to 
the Datario (Giberti), the Archbishop of Capua, in 
the Pope's intimate service, and from time to time had 
even made a strong appeal to Clement himself. The 
Nuncio is held in sincere affection by the Emperor and 
accompanies him everywhere, from Madrid to Toledo, 
to Granada, to Valladolid, and to Burgos ; he is thus 
able to send all the news which is known to the Court. 
The overwhelming disaster which has befallen Christen- 
dom in the defeat of Hungary by the Turks is of 
supreme interest to him, but he also writes about the 
continued intrigues for the freedom of the two young 
sons of Francis, and the kindness with which they are 
treated, especially by Queen Eleonore, the Emperor's 
sister. He is in frequent correspondence with the 
Pope's ambassadors in France, in England, and in 
Venice, and whatever else we may question, we can 
never doubt the sincerity and good faith with which he 
incessantly labours for peace. 

But the Count makes grievous complaint that he is 
often so long without letters from Rome ; and he is 
certainly justified when we learn that during all that 
eventful winter and spring before the sack of Rome, 
when so much was happening, and the German levies 
were advancing to join Bourbon, Castiglione received 
no dispatches whatever. We can only conclude that 
he was purposely kept in the dark, for as late as 
March, 1527, he writes to the Archbishop of Capua 
that a letter has arrived from the General of the Fran- 
ciscans — sent on a special embassy from Charles to 
Clement — "showing great hopes of peace, and there is 
so much joy shown by the Emperor, the nobles, and 
all sorts of people, that I cannot express it." To the 
182 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

very last he still expects and longs for the promised 
coming of the Pope to Spain, when secure peace will 
be made, and united Christendom will go forth to 
drive back the advancing infidels. He fears that his 
letters may not have been received, and explains that 
he often sends three copies — one by France, another by 
sea from Barcelona, and a third by way of England. 

As late as March 25, 1527 — when the invading host of 
barbarians was advancing southward and already be- 
yond all control, had defied their leader Frundsberg, 
and driven the Imperial ambassador, Ferramosca, to 
flee for his life — then Castiglione writes from Valla- 
dolid : **We are buried here, without any news 
. . . that which does arrive is kept secret. ... I 
have had no letters since last November. ... I can- 
not tell you how anxious are the Prelates and the 
Grandees of this Imperial Court, that His Majesty 
should make peace with the Pope . . . and truly 
Italy, with all its calamities, cannot desire peace more 
than Spain." 

Then came the crushing disaster of Rome, which 
destroyed at once and for ever all his hopes ; every 
possibility of that conciliation for which he had laboured 
so long and so earnestly. He knew not who to trust 
or who to believe ; he had long been in ill-health, 
and only his eager hope to serve his master had given 
him spirit for his work, so that when the blow fell, it is 
not too much to say that his heart was broken. 

The loyal ambassador had fallen from favour, and 
evil tongues accused him of having concealed the 
Emperor's feelings and intentions ; while even the 
Pope himself, on August 20, wrote him a bitter letter of 
reproach and blame. This was the last and most cruel 
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stroke of Fate ; but the faithful minister was still, as it 
were, chained to his post, for Clement was in desperate 
need of a Legate to plead his cause with the Emperor, 
now lord and master of Italy. Neither Cardinal 
Farnese nor Cardinal Salviati had courage to accept 
the office, and the mission was given to Castiglione, 
who once more threw himself heart and soul into the 
Pope's cause. There were terrible difficulties in the 
way of any settlement, as Rome was still under mili- 
tary occupation of the unpaid mercenaries, Lannoy 
had died of the plague, and Clement refused to leave 
Rome, where his intrigues still fomented discord 
amongst the leaders. Cardinal Colonna did his utmost 
to help the negotiations, which were at last concluded 
on November 26, 1527 ; the Spanish garrison left the 
Castell St. Angelo, and a solemn Te Deum was sung 
in St. Peter's by the clergy of Rome. The Pope, who 
could keep no bargain, made his escape in disguise to 
Orvieto early in December. 

It was after this event that Count Castiglione wrote 
his great letter of justification to Pope Clement VII 
on December 10, 1527, from Burgos. In many pages 
of eloquent pleading he replies with simple dignity 
to the charges brought against him, but maintains 
throughout his tone of loving reverence towards the 
Head of Christendom. His first impulse had been to 
accept in silent humility the chastisement of His 
Holiness, but every instinct of a gallant knight and 
gentleman protested against such unmerited condemna- 
tion, when his conscience told him that in truth he had 
deserved praise and reward. With calm deliberate 
clearness, he tells the whole story of his mission in 
Spain, an honour thrust upon him against his wish, 
184 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

and only accepted with reluctant misgivings and in a 
pure spirit of self-sacrifice. 

When he is accused of being deceived by the friendly 
language of the Emperor, he points out that **if the 
words of the General of the Franciscans, of Signor 
Ferramosca, and the letters of the Viceroy (Lannoy) 
deserved to be trusted, it is no wonder that I believed 
the words of the Emperor, spoken to me many times 
and with more emphasis than I can write." No doubt 
that in this case "the wish was father to the thought," 
as in the friendship between Rome and Spain, Castig- 
lione saw the only hope of peace for Europe. It is 
also quite possible that the warm admiration and 
personal friendship of Charles for the Italian Legate 
may have tended to lull him into a false confidence, 
which would also have been encouraged by receiving 
no letters or instructions from the Pope during those 
ilong fatal months of approaching disaster. As for the 
question of truce with Bourbon, the news of it had not 
reached him until four months afterwards, when every- 
one else at the Court had received letters. For his 
part he had constantly written, usually "in duplicate, in 
triplicate, and sent by France, by the way of the 
merchants ..." with all possible care. This most 
interesting and stately letter ends thus : 

"As I behold Your Holiness, my only lord, and 
Vicar of Christ upon earth, support with high courage 
and patience so grave a calamity, not having deserved 
it, so should I endure without complaint this trouble, 
which compared with yours is small indeed ; and yet it 
weighs more upon my weaker soul than does the 
greater burden upon the nobility and saintly strength 
of Your Holiness. And therefore I hope that this 
i8s 



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greatness of soul, with Divine assistance, will so help 
Vostra Beatitudine, that you may conquer this stormy 
tempest of fortune, and that you may live many years 
with much glory and tranquillity, to the service of God 
and the benefit of humanity, as all your devoted 
servants desire, and I above all others. And humbly 
kissing your holy feet, I commend myself to your 
good grace. 

♦'From Burgos, December lo, MDXXVII." 
The loyal and faithful ambassador did not live to see 
the literal fulfilment of his prayers. He had gone to 
his rest before that settled peace, which he so earnestly 
desired, was secured on a firm basis when Charles 
attained his heart's desire, and was at last crowned 
with the Imperial Crown, on his thirtieth birthday, 
February 24, 1530, by the Pope at Bologna. There 
followed a time of comparative peace and prosperity 
for the ruined homes of Italy, and Clement continued 
his rule in the Chair of St. Peter, with at least outward 
tranquillity, under the protection of the Emperor, 
whose indomitable persistency had at length enabled 
him to achieve the gigantic task which he had under- 
taken. 

It is quite possible, as various biographers of Count 
Baldassare Castiglione have suggested, that his final 
good offices on behalf of the Pope and his passionate 
undaunted appeal to the Emperor may have been suc- 
cessful at last. In any case, he soon had another 
opportunity of showing his devotion to the Pontiff. 
After the sack of Rome many faithful believers were 
full of indignation at the treatment which the Holy 
Father had received, and looked upon Charles as the 
cause of this fearful sacrilege. The Emperor's Latin 

186 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Secretary, Alfonso de Valdez, came to his defence, 
with a dialogue between Lactantio, a young courtier, 
and a certain archdeacon, who meet at Valladolid and 
talk together of what has recently happened at Rome. 
In the first part, Lactantio vindicates the Emperor, and 
shows that he was in no way to blame, and in the 
second part, he asserts that God had permitted this 
catastrophe for the good of all Christianity, and as a 
just punishment for the corruption and worldly avidity 
of the Pope, the cardinals, and all the priests. 

This Alfonso must not be confused with the far 
more distinguished Juan de Valdez, his twin brother, 
a shining light of the Reformation. When the 
Didlogo de Lactancio was put forth, CastigHone at 
once accepted the challenge and came forward as 
champion of the Church and her rulers ; but that such 
a controversy should be needful was very bitter to his 
orthodox spirit. 

During the last year of his life, it was to his great 
literary work, the Coriegiano, that the exiled states- 
man turned for peace and refreshment. The concep- 
tion of this wonderful book — the portrait of the ideal 
courtier, which in his own life he had sought to 
realise — dated back to those halcyon years at the Court 
of Urbino, which cast a radiance over his whole life. 
It was in 1508, when the death of Duke Guidobaldo 
first overshadowed the happiness of the past, that, as 
CastigHone himself tells us, he sketched "in a few 
days " the first outline of his masterpiece. He had 
but little leisure to continue it during his camp life in 
the troubled wars of Francesco Maria's succession, 
but when he went as ambassador of the Duke of 
Urbino to Rome in 15 14, he appears to have devoted 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

himself seriously to his labour of love, in the midst of 
a congenial circle of friends — men of letters, poets, 
and artists. In this brilliant society, the splendid 
flower of the Italian Renaissance, Castiglione may well 
have been inspired to paint the warm life of his day, 
with the breadth of conception, the vivid insight, 
the exquisite fusion of the present with the literary 
and artistic elements of antiquity, which have given 
his work so priceless a value, so enduring a charm. 

From internal evidence we find that the Fourth Book 
of the Cortegiano must have been written not later 
than the early spring of 15 16. Here the death of his 
intimate friend, Cesare Gonzaga, which occurred in 
15 1 2, is mentioned. We are told that Ottaviano 
Fregoso had been made Doge of Genoa, an honour 
bestowed upon him in 151 5, while Giuliano dei Medici 
is spoken of as Duke of Nemours, and still living. 
As he died in March, 1516, this fixes the date for us. 
But if the book was in a manner written by this time, 
it was very far from complete, as we find many 
alterations made in the original manuscript, both 
before and after it had been sent to Bembo, Sadoleto, 
Lodovico Canossa and other friends in 1518, to obtain 
their opinions and criticisms. As Pietro Bembo was 
one of the characters who is made to speak his mind 
in the conversations at Urbino, we are not surprised to 
find Castiglione writing to him that, '*if you are not 
pleased with what I make you say, or the manner of 
saying it, then change it, cut out, or add to it as you 
please. . . . Mantua, October 20, MDXVIII." 

Count Lodovico da Canossa, afterwards Bishop of 
Bajus, was another speaker in the Cortegiano^ and he 
appears to have been entrusted with Bembo's letter of 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

criticism, and to have mislaid it, to the great dis- 
appointment of the author, who mentions this to his 
friend M. Pietro in a letter from Mantua, January, 
1520. We only marvel that the precious manuscript 
itself was not lost, in days when the post was so in- 
secure. But there were other dangers which arose 
from the very popularity of the work. 

In the year 1524 the Marchesa Vittoria Colonna 
borrowed the precious manuscript, which Castiglione 
asked her to return to him before he set out on his 
mission to Spain. The lady was most unwilling to do 
so, as she was so delighted with it that she wished to 
read it again and again until she could remember it. 
She adds : *' It would not be fitting that I should tell 
you what I think of it, for the same reason that your 
lordship says you cannot speak of the excellence of 
the Signora Duchessa [because not only his words 
could not express it, but his mind could not imagine 
it]. ... I will simply tell you the plain truth . . . 
that I have never seen, nor expect to see, another 
work ... to be compared to this. Because, besides 
the new and beautiful subject, such is the excellence 
of the style that, with a sweetness unknown before, it 
leads you to a charming and beautiful mountain, ever 
ascending . . . and the way is so beautiful . . . 
both by art and nature." Then she goes on to speak 
of ''the wonderful wit, the wise sayings which shine 
upon us like gems held together by a slender thread 
of gold which takes away none of their light." 

Before returning the Cortegiano, Vittoria Colonna, 

the great lady who was accustomed to having her own 

way, saw no harm in having a copy privately made. 

This she probably meant to keep for herself, but 

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COURTS AND CAMPS 

could not resist the temptation of sharing her literary 
treasure with various friends, who naturally showed 
an equal lack of discretion. 

This explains the reproachful letter which Castiglione 
wrote to the Marchesa from Burgos, September 21, 
1527: 

**. . . The Marchese del Vasto showed me a letter 
of Vostra Signoria in which you owned the theft of the 
Cortegiayio . . . and I have heard that many frag- 
ments of my poor book were in Naples, and had been 
seen in the hands of many people, who, having in this 
way made them public, said that they had received them 
from V. S. Pity me a little, as a father who sees his 
child ill-treated . . . and if it were of little worth 
. . . yet thus it is deprived of its chief value, that of 
novelty. . . . " 

Then " in a fine vein of courteous irony" he con- 
tinues : 

"Yet I remain indebted to you, as the necessity of 
having the book printed at once has relieved me from 
the trouble of adding many things to it which I had 
in my mind, of small account like the rest ; and thus 
weariness will be saved to the reader, and blame to the 
author. ..." 

Thus it came about that the Cortegiano was at last 
printed in folio in Venice, with this title : 

// Cortegiano del Comte Baldesar Castiglione. . . . 
In Venezia nelle case di Aldo Romano di Andrea 
d' A sola suo suocero nelV anno MDXXVIII del mese 
di Aprile. 

It was published with an epistle of dedication to 
Signor Don Michel de Silva, Bishop of Viseo, in which 
the author relates how, after the death of Duke Guido- 
190 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

baldo, he continued in the service of his successor, 
Duke Franceso Delia Rovere. While the memory of 
the Duke's virtues was fresh in his mind, and also the 
great delight which he had taken during those years in 
the beloved company at the Court of Urbino . . . whose 
memory induced him to write this Book of the Courtier. 
But fortune for so many years had held him in such 
continual labours, that he had never found leisure to 
bring it to an end in a manner to please his judgment. 
Then he tells the story of the copy made by the 
Marchesa Colonna, and how finding that the book was 
in the hands of many in Naples, and fearing that it 
might be printed, he determined to correct and pub- 
lish it at once himself. 

When he began to read it afresh, he was grieved to 
remember how many of those spoken of were dead. 
''Thus Messer Alfonso Ariosto, to whom the book 
was first dedicated, himself is dead, a noble youth, 
discreet, full of gentle ways, and all things suitable for 
a courtier." Alfonso was the son of Bonifazio and 
second cousin to the poet Lodovico Ariosto. He was 
an intimate friend of Castiglione and his family, a man 
of letters and a brave soldier, who fought in the famous 
battle of December, 1509, when Alfonso d'Este defeated 
the Venetians and his triumph was sung in the Orlando 
Furioso (c. xl. 4). 

The espistle of dedication thus continues: "Like- 
wise the Duke Giuliano de' Medici is dead, whose 
goodness and noble courtesy deserved to have been 
longer enjoyed by the world. As for Messer Bernardo, 
Cardinal of Santa Maria in Portico, who by his acute 
and pleasant ready wit was delightful to all who knew 
him, he also is dead. Dead too is il Signor Ottaviano 
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Fregoso " — (who became Doge of Genoa, and whose 
eulogy has been already quoted at the time of the 
disastrous sack of Genoa in 1521). *' Dead also are 
many others who are spoken of in this book, unto 
whom it would have seemed that nature promised a 
long life. But that which may not be told without tears 
is that the Signora Duchessa is also dead ; and if my 
mind is troubled by the loss of so many friends and 
noble lords of mine, who have left me in this life as in 
a wilderness full of sorrow, all the more bitterly do I 
feel grief for the death of the Signora Duchessa, as she 
was much more precious to me than all the others, and 
I was more indebted to her. ..." 

The Duchess Elisabetta died on January 28, 1526, 
when Castiglione was far away in Spain, and the 
Signora Emilia Pia, his faithful and devoted friend, 
died in May, 1528, finding solace on her death-bed in 
repeating some of the noble passages of the Cortegiano. 

Thus one by one the links with his bygone happy life 
were severed. We cannot believe that his stay of long 
years at the Court of Charles V was other than a weary 
exile, always full of anxiety with regard to political 
matters, and of eager longing for his home at Mantua. 
He suffered much from ill-health, and was no longer 
surrounded, as in Urbino and Rome, with brilliant 
congenial friends, whose intercourse was the very joy of 
life to a man of his high intellectual tastes. Yet he 
was greatly esteemed and admired by many of the 
Spanish nobles, and above all by the Emperor, who as 
a proof of his appreciation is said to have offered him 
the Bishopric of Avila. Some of his biographers sug- 
gest that he accepted it, but the annals of Avila show 
that the See was vacant from the death of Francesco 
192 



IT 

# B- -( 






p. 


,- ■Hi; ^v. 


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Hajifstaengl, Photo 



EMPEROR CHARLES V 



To face p. 192 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Ruiz in 1528 to the election of the Canon Rodericus 
Sanchez de Mercado in 1530. 

After his great work, the Cortegiano, had actually- 
left his hands to be published in Venice in April, 1528, 
and there was a lull in his diplomatic labours, the 
thoughts of Castiglione turned more than ever to his 
three young children, growing up afar from him under 
the care of his aged mother. The brief years of his 
happy married life were now but a sad memory of the 
past, but little Camillo and his sisters were doubly dear 
to the exile, both for their own sake and that of their 
dearly loved mother. A most interesting and touching 
Latin letter to them from their father has been pre- 
served, written seven months before his death. So 
earnest and solemn is the tone in which Count Cas- 
tiglione addresses each child in turn, with precept and 
rules to guide the coming years, that we are almost 
tempted to think he must have had a premonition of 
his approaching fate. The following epistle, stately 
and sonorous in the original Latin, has all the pathetic 
dignity of a last will and testament : — 

''To Camillo, and Anna, and Ippolito. 

**My dearest Children, 

'' I am persuaded, my dearest son Camillo, that 
you desire above all things my return home, for Nature 
and Law would have us reverence our parents next to 
God. And in your case there may be a special duty, 
since I am content with one son, and have no wish for 
another to share with you my fatherly affection and my 
estates. I will own that I have no misgivings with 
regard to you, which might lead me to repent of such 
a resolve ; yet I would have you know that I look for 
o 193 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

such duty from you rather as a debt than with the 
indifference of most parents. This you will easily 
repay if you regard the excellent tutor chosen by your 
friends as taking the place of a parent, and if you will 
dutifully follow his advice. On account of my pro- 
longed absence, I have no further counsel to give you 
beyond this line of Virgil, which I may quote without 
undue pride : 

Disce puer, virtutem ex me, verumque laborem ; 
Fortunam ex aliis. 

(From me, my son, learn worth and honest toil ; 
Fortune from others take. ) 

You, my Anna, who first made me love the name of 
daughter, do you so adorn yourself with graces of the 
mind, that whatever beauty of person you may develop 
it shall be only the handmaid of your virtues, and shall 
be last in importance amongst the praises you receive. 

" And you, my Ippolita, think upon my love for her 
whose name you bear, and how beautiful it would be 
for your goodness to surpass your sister's as much as 
her years do yours. Continue both as you have begun, 
and having lost your mother before you could know 
her, do you so imitate her virtues that all may say how 
like you are to her. 

'* Farewell. Monzoni, tertio Id. Julii. MDXXVIII. 

*' Pater Balthassar Castilion." 

Concerning the abiding devotion of Castiglione's 
life, his love for his mother, we have no record during 
these last years of gloom and exile. We know not 
whether he laid bare his troubled heart to the influence 
of her tender sympathy, or whether, with a sterner 
194 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

courage, he only let her see the smooth surface of his 
courtly life, ever high in the esteem and honour of the 
Emperor, and did not reveal to her the depths of 
agony and despair which had overwhelmed him on 
hearing of the sack of Rome. 

In these days, when so many long-lost and forgotten 
archives are discovered, it may be our good fortune to 
meet with the letters which Madonna Aloisia received 
from her illustrious son during his Spanish embassy, 
and which would be of such surpassing interest. But 
this we know, that, brave and faithful to the last, 
Castiglione never relaxed his efforts for peace and 
reconciliation between the Pope and the Emperor, and 
his friends believe that the coming alliance between 
these princes, which the Count did not live to see, was 
in no small degree prepared by his unwearied labours. 
The earthly pilgrimage of the great Courtier was nearly 
at an end. During his stay in Spain, he had suffered 
much from ill-health, which in this last year was 
aggravated by mental trouble, so that when he had a 
more serious attack at Toledo, early in 1529, he had no 
strength to rally, and died in a few days, on February 
7th. He was deeply lamented by his many friends, 
and Charles V is said to have been much affected by 
the news, exclaiming to his courtiers: **Yo vos digo 
que es muerto uno de los mejores caballeros del 
mundo " (I tell you that one of the finest gentlemen in 
the world is dead). He ordered a splendid funeral in 
the church of Sant' Elifonso for his friend, whose 
Cortegiano remained one of his favourite books to the 
end of his life. 

Pope Clement VII was not slow to recognise the 
loss he had sustained in the death of his faithful and 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

devoted Nuncio, and wrote two letters of condolence 
to his mother, Madonna Aloisia Castiglione, at Mantua, 
in which he freely expressed his love and gratitude to 
the friend who had served him with such fidelity and 
devotion. The Mantuan ambassador at the Court of 
Rome, Francesco Gonzaga, also wrote to her, saying : 
**His Holiness is greatly troubled by this misfortune, 
knowing how great is the loss of his faithful and 
honoured service, and at this time nothing more dis- 
astrous could have occurred." 

A few months later the bereaved mother expressed 
a wish that the Count's remains should be brought to 
his native place and rest in the pilgrimage church of 
Santa Maria delle Grazie, near the ancestral home 
of the Castiglione family at Casatico, and a few miles 
to the west of Mantua. Here a noble monument of 
red marble was placed from the design of his friend, 
Giulio Romano, a last tribute of his love and admira- 
tion. Upon the left column was engraved a long 
and somewhat pompous Latin epitaph by Bembo, 
while on the right are written the lines composed by 
Castiglione on the death of his wife Ippolita, who 
rests by his side. (She is supposed to speak.) 

NON EGO NUNC VIVO CONIUX 

DULCISSIMA : VITAM 

CORPORE NAMQUE TUO FATA 

MEAM ABSTULERUNT ! 

SED VIVAM, TUMULO CUM TECUM 

CONDAR IN ISTO, 

lUNGENTURQUE TUIS OSSIBUS 

OSSA MEA 

(No more am I a happy wife with her loving husband, 

for Fate has parted me from thy side, but I shall live 

196 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

again when I am hidden with thee in that tomb where 
thy bones will be with mine.) 

On the grief of Castiglione's mother we will not 
dwell ; it is too deep and sacred for human touch, and 
is shrouded from the world without. The light of her 
life, the joy of her heart, the desire of her eyes was 
untimely taken from her ; but there still remained a 
precious charge of loving duty to her son's orphan 
children. They seem to have been worthy of her 
affection and of their noble name, and as we trace their 
fortunes in the days to come, we see that the ardent 
hopes of their father's touching farewell were fulfilled 
in their future life. Of the boy Camillo, born in 1517, 
we are told that as he grew to man's estate, in him was 
his father's dream realised in no small degree, and he 
became that mirror of knightly courtesy, distinguished 
in court and camp — a meet representative of the ideal 
and perfect courtier. The young Count made a 
famous name for himself, fighting in the army of 
Ferrante Gonzaga in the service of the Duke of 
Mantua. Although he applied in vain for his father's 
lost Castello of Nuvillaria, he appears to have led a 
fortunate and distinguished life ; he became Mar- 
chesato of Monferrato, and lived in his later years until 
1598, in his grand old feudal city of Casale-Monferrato 
(between Vercelli and Alessandria). 

Anna, the elder daughter, married first Conte Ales- 
sandro d'Aro, and, secondly, Antonio Ippoliti, Conte 
di Gazzuolo. Ippolita, the youngest, who was only 
eight years old at her father's death, married Ercole 
Turchi, belonging to a noble family of Ferrara. 

Before we devote ourselves to the Cortegiano, Cas- 
tiglione's masterpiece, it will be well to make a brief 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

allusion to his other literary works. We have already 
quoted from many of his letters, which were greatly 
admired in his time not only for their style and 
eloquence, their wit and learning, but for the generous 
nature which they revealed. One famous Latin letter 
of his was addressed to Henry VIII of England, 
beginning '^Vellem sacratissime Rex" . . . and is a 
long and enthusiastic panegyric of his lord, Guidobaldo 
Duke of Urbino, written soon after the death of this 
prince.^ Baldassare Castiglione was also a poet of 
high repute in his day, as we see from the warm praise 
of his friends, Paolo Giovio, Pietro Bembo, Bibbiena, 
Ariosto, and many others. A great number of "Testi- 
monianze " to his fame as a poet were collected by 
the Abate Serassi, and speak of his work in the most 
glowing terms, ending thus : — 

Orator, Vates, & Miles & Aulicus, omni est 
Egregie functus munere castalio. 

We find the Count compared to Virgil, in his more 
ambitious efforts, to Catullus and Tibullus in his shorter 
Latin pieces, and to Petrarch in his Italian poems. 

In Castiglione's life at Urbino we have already had 
occasion to allude to his Eclogue, '' Tirsi," written 
jointly with Cesare Gonzaga, and performed during one 
Carnival at the Court of Guidobaldo. A beautiful 
Latin elegy to the beloved memory of his friend 
Falcone of Mantua, under the title of *'Alcon," re- 
minds us of Lycidas in its tone and classical atmo- 
sphere. *' Cleopatra," which his adm.irers speak of as 
being in the "heroic style," and other Latin poems, 
bring in various allusions to the Popes Julius and Leo, 

^ Printed at Fossorabrone, 1513. 
198 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

and these, with his Canzoni and Sonnets in Italian, 
were the delight of the cultured Court of Leo X. We 
will conclude with one example : 

SONETTO VI. 

Superbi colli, e voi sacre ruine, 

Che '1 nome sol di Roma ancor tenete, 

Ahi che reliquie miserande avete, 

Di tant' anime eccelse e pellegrine ! 

Colossi, archi, teatri, opre divine, 

Trionfal pompe gloriose e liete. 

In poco cener pur converse siete, 

E fatte al vulgo vil favola al fine, 

Cosl, se ben un tempo al tempo guerra 

Fanno 1' opre famose, a passo lento 

E r opre e i nomi il tempo invido atterra : 

Vivr6 dunque fra 'miei martir contento ; 

Che se '1 tempo d4 fine a ci6 ch' h in terra, 

Dar4 forse ancor fine al mio tormento. 



199 



THE BOOK OF THE COURTIER 

FROM THE ITALIAN OF 
COUNT BALDASSARE CASTIGLIONE 

The story of Castiglione's life may well serve as the 
most fitting introduction to his masterpiece, the Corte- 
giano^ in many ways the most representative book of 
the Italian Renaissance. It was acknowledged as such, 
and received with delight when it was first given to the 
world, in folio, at Venice, in 1528; and at once ** began 
its rapid conquest of Italy and Europe." As we are no 
longer so familiar with this fascinating work as were 
our ancestors in Tudor days, it may be well to allude 
to a few of the critical appreciations of the past. 

The Book of the Courtier^ which was practically 
finished in the same year, 15 16, as More's Utopia and 
Ariosto's Orlando Furioso, was in 1538 translated into 
French by Monsieur Jacques Colin, secretary to 
Francis I ; in 1540 was given in Spanish by Senor 
Juan Bosca, while the first English translation was that 
of Sir Thomas Hoby, published in 1561, which still 
stands supreme in charm and interest. It was dedi- 
cated, by a happy instinct, to Lord Henry Hastings, 
grandson of the noble lord who had been sent to meet 
and entertain Count Castiglione when he came to 
England in the reign of Henry VII to receive the 
Order of the Garter for the Duke of Urbino. 

In the courtly atmosphere of the Elizabethan age 
the Cortegiano was an immediate success, and there are 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

few writers of that period who do not borrow from it 
a thought or an illustration. Some earlier scholars, 
such as Thomas Cromwell, had already read it in the 
**Ytalian tonge," as Bonner calls it when he borrows 
the book in 1530. 

The ideal Courtier — the chivalrous knight, the 
scholar-gentleman — of Castiglione became a model on 
which the noblest minds sought to fashion themselves 
and others. We may hold Sir Philip Sidney to have 
attained this perfection, and Milton writes: '*! call 
therefore a complete and generous education that which 
fits a man to perform justly, skilfully, and magnani- 
mously all the offices, both private and public, of 
peace and war." Roger Ascham, in The Scholemaster 
(1570), takes much the same view of the pupil's require- 
ments. It is curious to find Spenser telling us that 
the aim of his ** Faerie Queen" was *'to fashion a 
gentleman or noble person in vertuous and gentle 
discipline," by showing how the twelve moral virtues 
of Aristotle are set forth in the lives of twelve knights. 
Other critics have already pointed out how much 
Spenser drew from the Platonic orations in the Corte- 
giano when he wrote his hymns *'Of Heavenly Love" 
and ''Heavenly Beautie." In lat<Sr days, Shelley 
followed the same influence when he wrote his "Hymn 
to Intellectual Beauty." 

Amongst other allusions to the Book of the Courtier^ 
in Florio's Second Frutes (1591), Castilion's Courtier is 
mentioned as one of the books to be read by those who 
desire to learn Italian. Guilpin, in his Skialethea (1598), 
remarks : 

Come to the court, and Balthazar affords 
Fountains of holy and rose-water words. 

Ben Jonson plainly tells his readers that they would 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

give life and brightness to their style by making use of 
''pretty sayings, similitudes, conceits, and the like, 
such as are in The Courtier and the 2d. book of Cicero, 
De Oratore." There was scarcely need to give this 
advice, as the best stories told in the Cortegiano are 
repeated in many versions by various writers, and we 
may even fancy that the porter in Macbeth was thinking 
of Castiglione's miserly farmer when he said : *' Here's 
a farmer that hanged himself on th' expectation of 
plenty. ..." The advice of Polonius to his son closely 
resembles that of the Courtier with regard to dress, 
and we trace various reminiscences in Marlowe, while 
Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy has many borrowed , 
passages. 

The dramatic form of the Cortegiano was very popu- 
lar in Renaissance days, as we see in the Decameron 
of Boccaccio, the Canterbury Tales of Chaucer, and the 
Heptameron of Marguerite of Navarre. The idea was 
taken from classical writers such as Plato, Cicero, 
and Lucian. Another treatise of instruction called // 
Galateo, written by a certain bishop, Giovanni della 
Casa, about 1550, was of quite a different nature, and 
was the forerunner of those numerous Books of Cour- 
tesy, extending down to Sandford and Merton, which 
have been well described as masterpieces of trite 
instruction. Amongst these later moralists, the 
Machiavellis of the home, we may mention the Com- 
pleat Gentleman (1622) of Henry Peacham, an ''ami- 
able and travelled pedagogue," who wrote for the 
period of the Restoration ; The English Gentleman of 
Richard Braithwaite, who embodied the Puritan ideal, 
and copied his selection of jests in the most barefaced 
way from the Cortegiano. Then follow Sir George 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Savile, Sir Matthew Hale, Sir Walter Raleigh, who 
wrote directions for his son, and Lord Burleigh, who 
says : ** Be sure to keep some great man for thy friend, 
but trouble him not for trifles " ; and again he urges : 
"Suffer not thy sons to pass the Alps, for they shall 
learn there but pride, blasphemy, and other sins. . . ." 
Francis Osborn adds another note to this advice : 
"lest your sons, together with gold, return apes and 
peacocks." Then we have Adam Petrie's Rules (17 12), 
with his smug servility in the awful presence of the 
"Person of Quality," and we come down to the days 
of Lord Chesterfield, whose pages show us how the 
Courtier of the Renaissance has dwindled down to the 
" Man of Fashion " of the reign of George II. 

Yet these Books of Courtesy are most valuable 
documents for the History of Manners, while at the 
same time they show us that the old will instruct, and 
the young will neglect instruction, until the end of 
time. But the Cortegiano of Baldassare Castiglione 
stands on a far higher plane. It has been welcomed 
with such a chorus of praise in all lands, and from men 
of such different views, that it is only possible to give 
a small selection of remarks most worthy of note. Thus, 
to begin with the chivalrous and courtly poet Torquato 
Tasso, he writes : 

"While Courts shall last, while Princes shall en- 
dure, and ladies and knights shall meet together, while 
valour and courtesy shall have an abode in our souls, 
the name of ' Castiglione shall remain precious to us" 
{Dialogo della Corte). 

Thomas 'Sackville says^ "in commendation of the 
worke " (after speaking of kings' palaces) : — 

1 Quoted by Walter Raleigh. 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

A rarer work and richer far in worth 

Castillo's hand presenteth here to the, 

No proud ne golden Court doth he set furth 

But what in Court a Courtier ought to be. 

The Prince he raiseth houge and mightie walles, 

Castilio frames a wight of noble fame : 

The Kinge with gorgeous Tyssue claddes his halles, 

The Count with golden vertue deckes the same. ..." 

Ascham praises it thus: "To join learning with 
comely exercises, Conte Baldesar Castiglione, in his 
book Cortegiano, doth trimly teach ; which book ad- 
visedly read and diligently followed but one year at 
home in England, would do a young gentleman more 
good, I wiss, than three years' travel abroad spent in 
Italy. ..." 

Dr. Johnson gives his opinion :'*... The best 
book that ever was written upon good breeding, // 
Cortegiano^ by Castiglione, grew up at the little Court 
of Urbino, and you should read it." 

And to prove to us that the splendid ideal of such a 
Perfect Courtier is not out of date in our own time, 
Addington Symonds remarks that *'with slight and 
immaterial differences, the Cortegiano is a modern 
Gentleman, such as all men of education at the present 
day would wish to be." 

This view is emphasised in the delightful and 
scholarly Introduction of Walter Raleigh to the Tudor 
translation of Sir Thomas Hoby : "The many-sided 
ideal has always been strong in England. . . . Our 
proudest title is . . . that we too are men of the 
Renaissance, inheritors of that large and noble con- 
ception of humanity and art to which a monument is 
erected in this Book of the Courtier.'^ 

I venture to offer the following sketch and literary 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

study of that most fascinating book, in the hope that a 
dim foretaste of its beauties may send my readers to the 
original Italian, for when all is said and done, there 
remains much truth in the old proverb: " Tradutori, 
traditori." 



THE BOOK OF THE COURTIER.i 

AN EPITOME, WITH ANNOTATIONS. 

Place . . . The Palace of Urhino. 
Time Marchy iso'j. 

Dramatis Persons. 

Madonna Elisabetta Gonzaga, Duchess of Urbino. The 
wife of Duke Guidobaldo, and sister of Francesco 
Marchese of Mantua. Age about 46. 

Madonna Emilia Pia. Sister of Giberto Pio, Lord of 
Carpi, and widow of Antonio, Count of Monte- 
feltro, half-brother of Duke Guidobaldo. Intimate 
friend and constant companion of the Duchess. 

Margherita Gonzaga. Young niece of the Duchess 
(illeg. daughter of Marchese Francesco). 

Costanza Fregosa. Young half-niece of Duke Guido- 
baldo. 

Francesco Maria della Rovere. Son of Giovanni della 
Rovere and Giovanna sister of Duke Guidobaldo. 
Afterwards Duke of Urbino and Prefect of Rome, 
by a Brief of Julius II. Age 17. 

Federico Fregoso. Brother of Costanza. Later Arch- 
bishop of Salerno, and Cardinal. Age 27. 

^ Much condensed, as the original consists of about 140,000 words. 
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Ottaviano Fregoso. Brother of Costanza and Federico. 

Afterwards a distinguished general and Doge of 

Genoa. 
Giuliano dei Medici. '* II Magnifico." Third son of 

Lorenzo dei Medici, and brother of Leo X. After- 
wards Duke of Nemours. Age 29. 
Pietro Bembo. Distinguished writer and poet. After- 
wards Papal Secretary to Leo X, and Cardinal. 

Age 37. 
Bernardo Dovisi, usually known as Bibbiena, or later 

as Cardinal of Sta. Maria in Portico. Man of 

letters and friend of Raphael. A devoted adherent 

of the Medici. Age 37. 
Bernardo Accolti, usually known as Unico Aretino. 

Popular Improvisatore. Brother of Cardinal Pietro 

Accolti. Age about 42. 
Caspar Pallavicino. Of the noble family of Corte- 

maggiore. Usually takes the side against women 

in the colloquies. Age 21. 
Cesare Gonzaga. A cousin and most intimate friend 

and companion of Castiglione. Age about 32. 
Giovan Cristoforo Romano. The famous sculptor and 

medallist, at home in all the Courts of Italy. Age 

about 42. 
Lodovico Canossa. Count of a noble Veronese family, 

became later Bishop of Tricarico, and also Bishop 

of Bayeux. Age 32. 
Collo Vincenzo Calmeta. Formerly Secretary to 

Beatrice, Duchess of Milan. Poet and writer of 

no great distinction. 
Sigismondo Morello da Ortona. Almost the only 

elderly Courtier, "a Nestor of the Renaissance," 

at the young and lively Court of Urbino. Cas- 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

tiglione speaks of him with high honour in the 

Tirsi. 
Lodovico Pic. Of the noble family of the Lords of 

Carpi, and a young kinsman of Emilia Pia. A 

brave captain in the service of II Moro and Pope 

Julius. 
Roberto da Bari. A gentleman of the Court of Ur- 

bino, and a valued friend of Castiglione. 
Pietro da Napoli. Of whom little appears to be known 

for certain. 
Febus di Ceva. Of an illustrous family in Piedmont, 

but he fell into evil repute later for an act of 

violence. 
Niccolo Frisio. A friend of Isabella d'Este and Bembo. 
Fra Serafino. A noted jester, who was a good singer 

and actor, and in high esteem. with the Este and 

Gonzaga princes. 

Book I 

The Count of Urbino and the passing of Pope Julius — 
Conceriiing the Perfect Courtier — All the qualities 
needful for his perfection. 

Let us renew a happy memory and tell once more the 
converse held by our most excellent company in times 
past at the Court. . . . 

Well known to all men is the little city of Urbino, 
on the slope of the Apennines, in the midst of Italy 
towards the Gulf of Venice. . . . For its great felicity, 
it has long been governed by good princes . . . such as 
the Duke Federico of glorious memory, who in his days 
was the light of Italy, famous for his wisdom, courtesy, 
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justice, liberality, and invincible courage. Amongst 
other praiseworthy deeds, in the "hard and sharp" 
situation of Urbino, he built a palace, the fairest in all 
Italy . . . adorned with all beautiful things ; vessels 
of silver, hangings of silk and cloth of gold, with 
antique statues of marble and bronze, wonderful pic- 
tures and musical instruments of every kind, and all 
that was most rare and excellent. To this was added 
a splendid library of precious books in Greek and Latin 
and Hebrew, all adorned with gold and silver ; and 
this he esteemed the supreme ornament of his great 
palace. 

At the age of Ixv years, the Duke died with 
glory as he had lived, and was succeeded by his son 
Guidobaldo, a child of ten, who became the heir of 
all his father's virtues. He distinguished himself when 
he came to man's estate, in many wars (of which the 
story has been already told). And although he fell 
into ill-health himself, yet did he encourage at his 
Court, all chivalrous sports, and honourable and 
pleasant pastimes for the mind and body. It was 
his custom, by reason of his infirmity, to go to his 
rest soon after supper, and then the courtly company 
gathered together where the Duchess was wont to be, 
the Lady Elisabetta Gonzaga. With her was ever 
the Lady Emilia Pia, who was dowered with so much 
spirit and judgment, that she seemed the mistress of 
the company, and leader of the stately revels. Thus 
with pleasant colloquies and merry conceits, this 
house might well be called the home of mirth and 
joy, but such was the love and reverence which we 
bore to the Duchess, that her presence set bounds to 
our mirth and checked discord, for we valued our 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

liberty only so far as we might please our gracious 
Lady. Her virtues are so well known too that my 
tongue or pen would fall far short in describing 
them. . . . 

When the company was assembled after supper, at 
times there would be music or dancing, or certain 
witty sports or pastimes, or debating and learned 
conversations. And this was the order in which they 
sat : in a circle, with first a man and then a lady, 
until only men remained, of whom there was a far 
greater number. 

On the day after Pope Julius had departed, having 
paid a visit to the Court of Urbino, six of the assem- 
bled company, after much pleasant talk, were re- 
quested by Madonna Emilia to choose each a subject 
of discourse. First M. Caspar Pallavicino suggested 
that every one should declare what virtue the person 
beloved should be endowed with. 

Then M. Cesare Gonzaga asserted that there was 
some folly in each member of the company, who 
should confess his weakness, and so by the help of 
others save his soul. 

Fra Serafino, in his jesting way, asked why women 
have such fear of rats, but was reproved by the Lady 
Emilia for his frivolity. 

M. Unico Aretino desired that every man should 
attempt to discover the meaning of the letter S, a 
device in jewels, which the Duchess wore upon her 
forehead. As no one could answer, he made an im- 
promptu Sonnet on the subject, which was much 
admired. It ends thus : 

Questa S dimostra con non poco ing-egno 
Un sol solo in bellezza e'n crudeltate. 

P 209 



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M. Ottaviano Fregoso requested that each one should 
show a reason in himself for the lady he loved to dis- 
dain him. 

M. Pietro Bembo inquired which is the greater mis- 
fortune, to displease the one beloved, or that the loved 
one should displease us? 

But the Lady Emilia was not satisfied with any of 
these subjects, and turned to Messer Federico Fregoso, 
who at once proposed in that courtly assembly, that 
nothing would be more appropriate than the descrip- 
tion of all the qualities pertaining to the Perfect 
Courtier. To this, the Duchess and the Lady Emilia 
at once agreed, Lodovico, Count of Canossa, being 
chosen to speak first, as being so good a Courtier 
himself. 

Then answered the Count, with much modesty, that 
it was a hard matter to know true perfection : 
*'. . . I would have our Courtier nobly born and of 
a distinguished family, for he will be unwilling to turn 
aside from the way of his ancestors, good birth being 
like unto a clear lamp, which shows light upon all 
actions and encourages virtue. We find in arms and 
other matters that the most famous men are usually 
well-born. Take, for example, the breed of horses 
and other animals, likewise with trees and plants, 
whose seeds and cuttings follow the stock they came 
from. And the same is true with men, if they are 
brought up in good nurture they will resemble those 
they came from, and indeed often surpass them. It 
is true that, whether by favour of the stars or of 
Nature, some are born with such marvellous grace, 
adorned with every blessing of mind and body, that 
we can only look upon them as some divine and rare 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

product, needing but little culture to attain full per- 
fection. " Of this happy birth, the Lord Ippolito da Este, 
Cardinal of Ferrara, is given as an instance. "The 
Courtier, besides noble birth, should be fortunate not 
alone in quick intelligence, but also in beauty of face 
and person, and with a certain grace and charm which 
shall make him acceptable at first sight unto all who 
look upon him." 

Hereupon, the Lord Gaspar Pallavicino replied at 
once : ''According to the rules of our pastime, I will 
deny that this high birth is needful to the Courtier. 
And I could tell you of many born of the noblest 
families who have been full of vice ; and again of others, 
lowly in origin, who have made their posterity famous. 
And if your argument were true, we should all be 
alike, being descended from one seed. This inborn 
perfection of body and mind may chance to the man of 
low degree as well as to the highest born, and surely 
he should be able to attain to the highest perfection of 
the Courtier." 

Then Count Lodovico: '' I do not deny that this is 
possible, but if a man be born noble, the world will at 
once hold him in esteem, while he that is not a Gentle- 
man will have by much labour and long time, to 
create a good opinion of himself. This gives a great 
advantage to the noble, for we are apt to judge more by 
feeling than fact and to retain our first opinion. Thus 
if we watch a game or contest, we often desire one side 
to win without any real cause. 

"Regarding the Courtier, I would have him above 
all things to be distinguished by his feats of arms, and 
to be noted for his courage and fidelity towards the 
Lord he serves. But the truly brave man is modest and 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

avoids all ostentation {fare il bravo). For if he be as 
Berto shows us (a famous buffoon, who acted the 
bragging coward and the surly bravo), then he deserves 
what a noble Lady said to one such. She kindly asked 
him to dance with her, offered him music and other 
entertainments, but he grimly refused, declaring that 
such trifles were not his profession. She asked him, 
' What, then, is your profession ? ' He answered with 
a frown, 'To fight.' Then the lady replied, 'Seeing 
that you are not now at war, I think you had better 
be well oiled and set up in an armoury until you are 
required, lest you become rustier than you already 
are."'i 

The Lord Caspar remarked that if a man knew him- 
self to be most excellent, it was not bragging to praise 
himself. 

Count Lodovico owned that great men often showed 
their good opinion of themselves. Thus he who under- 
took great enterprises, like Alexander, must have great 
boldness and confidence in himself. When he heard a 
philosopher (Anaxagoras) say that there were many 
worlds, he wept, and gave as his reason that he had not 
yet conquered one ; meaning that he desired to have 
them all. 

Here M. Bibbiena interposed : " I remember you said 
that the Courtier should be handsome in face and per- 
son. Now I believe that I have this grace and beauty 
of face, as I have ever been much admired ; but for 
comeliness of person I should wish to know clearly 
wherein it consists . . . ? " 

The company smiled at this remark, for the gentle- 
man was well known to be very vain of his good looks. 

^ Tradition says that the lady was Catarina Sforza. 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

He was not only called **il be! Bernardo," but even 
spoke of himself by that name in a letter to Castiglione. 

Count Lodovico made a courteous reply, in which he 
paid homage to M. Bibbiena's beauty of face and ex- 
pression, it being manly and not too delicate. As to a 
man's figure, he should be neither too tall nor too 
short, of a good shape with well-proportioned limbs, 
showing strength, lightness, and quickness in all his 
movements. The Courtier should be trained to the 
skilful and ready use of all weapons, both of foot and 
horseman. He should be a thorough adept at wrest- 
ling, not rash in seeking quarrels, but resolute in the 
combat when it was calmly resolved upon. . . . 

I would have our Courtier also a perfect horseman in 
any kind of saddle, knowing all that concerns horses. 
He should surpass every man in that which he is most 
skilled in. Amongst Italians he should be first in riding 
rough horses, in riding at the ring and the tilt, while 
in tournaments he should rival the best Frenchmen. 
At the game **a canne" [played on horseback, some- 
thing like polo, with a reed instead of a ball], facing 
the bull, casting of darts and spears, he should equal 
the Spanish. But of all pastimes hunting is the best 
from its likeness to war, and is especially suited to the 
Courtier. He should also be skilled in swimming, 
leaping, running, and casting the stone. The game 
of palla [somewhat like our tennis] is a fine exercise 
for those living at Court, as it teaches quickness and 
nimbleness of body. ..." 

M. Cesare Gonzaga, having received a sign from the 

Lady Emilia, said, after a while: *'You have said, 

Signor Lodovico, that the Courtier should do all with 

a certain grace, and this I most truly believe, for he 

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COURTS AND CAMPS 

that hath grace findeth grace. But you say this is the 
gift of heaven, and do not tell us if it can be learnt by 
any labour or diligence. ..." 

M. Lodovico replied : " I can show you what a Per- 
fect Courtier ought to be, but I cannot teach you how 
to become one. There is a proverb that grace is not 
to be learned, yet a good and watchful scholar may 
gather much from his teachers. Take, for example, 
Messer Galeazzo Sanseverino, who has ever had before 
his eyes the most perfect masters in every kind of sport 
and exercise, and from each one has chosen that in 
which he excels. But the special danger, and great 
thing to avoid, is any form of affectation ; or again, 
the appearance of strain or difficulty in the doing of 
any action. In all that he does the Courtier must 
always cover his art by a certain sprezzatura. [Spon- 
taneous grace. This word has been rendered in many 
ways, by nonchalence, by recklessness. Herrick says 
"wild civility " for the same idea. La Fontaine writes: 
*• Ne for9ons point notre talent, Nous ne ferions rien 
avec grace."] In the most wonderful feats we must 
show no appearance of fatigue, and scarcely seem to 
give the matter a thought. To appear natural is often 
the highest art. I have heard that some ancient Orators 
would hide their knowledge and learning, and speak 
most simply as though nature led them, rather than 
study and art. 

'* Yet in all matters it is most important that this 
sprezzatura [spontaneity] should be real and not affected, 
as this would be the worst vice of all." 

Then spoke II Signor Magnifico Giuliano, pointing 
out how in music all stiffness and affectation was to be 
avoided. The continuance of a most perfect tune might 
214 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

become irksome without the occasional discord which 
produces a curious harmony. 

Count Lodovico remarked that too much carefulness 
in painting also may defeat its object ; thus Apelles 
said that Protogenes knew not when he had worked 
enough at a picture, and should leave well alone. 

"Spre22atura[sponta.neity] is indeed the fountain from 
which all grace springs. Often some slight gesture or 
movement, such as the way a man takes his weapon in 
hand, or makes a step in dancing, or trills out a tune 
in singing, is so easy and attractive that he gains 
credit for being even more accomplished than he is 
indeed. In the same way in painting, one careless 
line, one slight pencil sketch shows at once the skill 
and knowledge of the artist. And the same happens 
in all things." 

Then followed some discourse about language, 
ancient Tuscan words, how any assumption of know- 
ledge should be avoided ; that different cities in Italy 
have various dialects, but that if the Courtier wish for 
a safe guide to follow, he should take Petrarch or Boc- 
caccio. Language changes from time to time, and 
it is well to avoid too much use of ancient words. 
Examples taken from the classical writers. With re- 
gard alike to writing and speaking, the great thing for 
a Courtier is to have knowledge ; for he who has not a 
clear understanding of the matter, and knows not exactly 
what he means, cannot express it. In speaking, many 
things are needful which are not required in writing, 
such as a good voice, not too low and soft like that of 
a woman, nor yet too austere and rough like that of a 
rustic, but sonorous, clear, sweet, and with a good 
pronunciation, and with suitable manner and gestures. 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

But all this is of small account if the speech itself is 
not witty, subtle, eloquent, or serious, according to the 
subject. 

Signor Morello suggested that if the Courtier had 
such excellent speech, some might not understand 
bim. 

But the Count rejoined that all would understand 
him, for his language would be simple and to the 
point. '* He shall know when to speak with dignity 
and vehemence and stir the minds of men, and when 
to use simplicity and gentleness, and make his words 
most sweet and tender." Then follows a long dis- 
sertation on language and eloquence, in which various 
members of the company join, until at length the 
Lady Emilia interrupts this digression, and laughingly 
desires the Count to return to the broken thread of the 
Courtier. 

''Signora," replied Count Lodovico, ''I think we 
said that affectation spoils all things, while simplicity 
and sprezzatura [spontaneity] give the charm of grace. 
In proof of this, I would point out how all women 
desire to be, or at least to appear beautiful, and if 
nature have not done her part, they endeavour them- 
selves to supply it with art." 

At this the Lady Costanza Fregosa laughed and said : 
'* You would do much better to continue your discourse 
on grace and the Couri,Ier, than to point out the faults 
of women without cause." 

*'Nay, but there is cause," answered the Count, 
**for this over-anxiety to be beautiful deprives you 
of grace." He then describes with great earnestness 
the charm of natural beauty in woman, of delicate 
order and simplicity in dress, and incidentally shows 
216 




Anderson, Photo 



GALEAZZO DI SANSEVERINO 



Ainhrogio de Predis 
To face p. 216 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

us how very artificial, painted, and ''trimmed" they 
usually were in those days. Thus, high foreheads 
being the fashion, it was the custom to increase the 
height by pulling out the hair, and other devices were 
in use. 

The Count Lodovico then returns to his subject, and 
dwells lovingly on the various kinds of knowledge 
desirable for the Courtier. He tells of ancient heroes 
who combined a love of letters with prowess in arms. 
''Thus Alexander had such reverence for Homer, that 
he was said to keep the Iliad always at the head of his 
bed, and also studied Philosophy under Aristotle. 
Under the instruction of Socrates, Alcibiades added 
letters to his other advantages. The works which 
Caesar has so divinely written bear witness to his love 
of study. It is said that Scipio Africanus was ever 
seen with the books of Xenophon in his hand. I could 
speak of Lucullus, Sylla, Pompey, Brutus, and many 
other Romans and Greeks, but I will only mention 
Hannibal, a great captain, but fierce and inhuman, 
who valued letters and knew the Greek language. 

"In the holy treasure of learning is true glory stored 
up. Who has so feeble a mind and so ignoble a 
courage that, in reading the great deeds of Caesar, 
Alexander, Scipio, Hannibal, and so many others, he 
is not kindled with a great longing to be like them, 
and would not choose that perpetual fame rather than 
this perishing life which lasteth but a day or two? 
But the unlearned know not glory, and seek not to be 
famous ... I would have my Courtier be well versed 
in the Humanities, and understand both the Latin and 
Greek languages because of the many excellent things 
written in them. He should study poets, orators, and 

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historians, and himself write both in rhyme and prose 
in our Italian tongue, for his own pleasure, but not to 
publish to the world, save in case of very rare merit. 
. . . . Let him not trust in flatterers. ..." 

Here M. Pietro Bembo asked why letters should be 
looked upon as an ornament to arms, and not a know- 
ledge of arms as an ornament to a man of letters? 
He quotes Petrarch to show how far superior is the 
mind to the body: 

Giunto Alessandro alia famosa tomba 
Del fero Achille, sospirando disse : 
O fortunate, che si chiara tomba 
Trovasti, e chi di te si alto scrisse ! 



If Alexander envied Achilles not so much for his 
deeds as for the good fortune which made him sung 
by Homer, surely he esteemed the words of Homer 
more than the arms of Achilles. 

After further discussion, Count Lodovico returned to 
the question of the Courtier being a musician, which 
was opposed by L. Caspar Pallavicino, who argued 
that music was only suitable for women, and might 
so soften the minds of men as to make them even fear 
death. 

'' Say it not !" exclaimed the Count. " For music is 
a high and holy thing, and wise men have held that the 
heavens in the courses make melody, and thereby the 
souls of men are lifted up and restored to virtue. 
When Socrates was well stricken in years he learnt to 
play upon the harp, and Plato and Aristotle would 
have music taught from childhood, as it inclines us 
towards virtue and happiness. Even Lycurgus in his 
strict laws allowed music, and Epaminondas and the 
218 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

brave Achilles were both musicians. Do not deprive 
our Courtier of music, which sweetens the soul of man 
and even tames wild beasts. In holy temples it is used 
to render praise and thanks to God ; country folk be- 
guile their labour with this sweet pastime of song, and 
mariners at sea, and pilgrims on their long journeys, 
and prisoners in adversity. ..." 

As Count Lodovico paused, his opinion was sup- 
ported by the Magnifico Giuliano dei Medici, who 
asserted that music was not only an ornament, but a 
necessity for the Courtier. 

Thus encouraged, the Count now turned to painting 
as a matter which the Courtier should not omit. '' I 
have read that in olden times, and especially in 
Greece, all the children of nobles were taught painting 
as a liberal art in the schools, but it was forbidden to 
servants and slaves. The Romans also so highly 
esteemed this art that the first Fabius was a painter, 
and was proud of the surname of Pictor. How valu- 
able too in war is the skill to draw an outline of the 
country, rivers, bridges, castles, and encampments? 
. . . Look upon this beautiful world, the broad sky 
and shining stars ; the pleasant earth and the sea 
around, the hills, the dales, the rivers ; and all so 
adorned with trees, beautiful flowers and grass, that we 
may call it a noble and splendid painting drawn by the 
hand of nature and God. . . . Man cannot attain to 
painting without the knowledge of many things, and 
art has ever been held in great esteem, as we may judge 
from the antique images of marble and bronze which 
are discovered at this day. For carving and painting 
are akin, yet I hold that painting is more excellent." 

The Lady Emilia here turned to Cristoforo Romano, 
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who sat amongst the rest, and asked if he agreed with 
this. 

Cristoforo Romano replied that in his opinion 
there was more labour, more art, and more dignity 
in carving than in painting. '* I think in this matter 
you speak on account of Raphael, knowing his ex- 
cellence is of such perfection in painting that sculp- 
ture in marble may not approach it. But this is 
praise of the artist and not of the art. In both 
arts there is an artificial following of nature, but 
you will own that truth can be better followed in a 
figure of marble where the members are all round, and 
proportioned as nature made them, while in a picture 
it is all outward sight and colours which deceive the 
eyes. . . . Again, carving in marble is more difficult, 
as a fault cannot be amended, and you must begin a 
new statue, while in painting a man may alter, and add 
or take away, ever making it better." 

The Count made answer, smiling : "I would not 
have you think me so ignorant as not to understand 
the excellence of Michelangelo, of yourself and others 
in carving marble, and I speak of the art and not 
of the artists. Yet there are many things wanting 
in statues which you find in painting, especially 
lights and shadows, which the sculptor cannot give. 
And if the painter does not make his figure round 
like a statue, yet he has to thoroughly know and 
understand all the limbs and muscles so as to give the 
effect of roundness. He must also have a clear know- 
ledge of perspective, that by measured lines, by lights 
and shadows, he may make you forget the flat sur- 
face. . . . 

** Do you think it an easy matter to imitate natural 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

colours, flesh, clothes, and all other visible things? 
This the sculptor in marble cannot do, nor yet express 
the gracious sight of black eyes or blue eyes, with the 
splendour of their lovely beams. He cannot show the 
colour of golden hair, nor the glittering of armour, 
nor a dark night, nor a tempest at sea, nor shining and 
sparkling lights, nor the burning of a city, nor the 
morning sunrise, the birth of Aurora in rose-colour 
with rays of gold and purple. Neither can he show 
us the sky, the sea, the earth, mountains, woods, 
meadows, gardens, rivers, cities nor houses ; all of 
which the painter does. On this account I hold paint- 
ing to be more noble, with a greater range of art than 
sculpture." 

Count Lodovico again alludes to his favourite hero 
Alexander and his love for Apelles, and then tells how 
a picture of Protogenes was so highly esteemed, that 
when Demetrius encamped before Rhodes he would 
not burn the city for fear of destroying the famous 
picture, and so he lost the city. He next has a discus- 
sion with M. Cesare Gonzaga as to whether the 
pleasure in seeing the picture of a beautiful woman is 
not greatly increased by the affection which is felt for 
her. And the story is told of the five beautiful 
daughters of Croton, whose charms were all combined 
by the painter Zeuxis, in order to make one figure of 
such surpassing excellence that it was sung by the 
poets and praised for all time. 

At this point there occurred one of those delightful 
episodes which add so much charm to the Cortegiano. 

Of a sudden there was heard without, a sound of 
many footsteps on the floor and a tumult of voices ; 
and when all turned in wonder, they saw appear at the 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

chamber door a splendour of torches, and presently there 
entered with a great and noble train, the Lord General 
(Francesco della Rovere, nephew of the Duchess), who 
had returned from accompanying the Pope on a portion 
of his way towards Rome. On entering the Palace he 
had inquired for the Signora Duchessa, and was told 
what kind of pastime they had in hand for that even- 
ing, and how the Signor Lodovico Canossa had been 
chosen to speak of the Perfect Courtier. He had there- 
fore hastened as much as possible, that he might arrive 
in time to hear some part of the matter. 

As soon as he had duly saluted the Signoria 
Duchessa, and caused the members of the company 
who had risen at his coming, to return to their seats, he 
sat down in the circle with the others, as also did many 
of his train. Amongst them were the Marchese 
Febus and Ghirardino the brother of Ceva, Messer 
Hecto Romano, Vincenzo Calmeta, Orazio Florida, and 
many others. When all was silent once more, the 
Lord General said : " Signori, my coming would be 
too unfortunate if I should hinder the discussion which 
I believe you are now having. Therefore do me not 
this injury by depriving yourselves and me of so much 
pleasure." 

Count Lodovico then replied : *' I think, my Lord, 
that silence would be more pleasing to all than speech. 
For as it has been my lot to bear the burden this even- 
ing, I am now weary of speaking, and the rest of the 
company are weary of hearing, as my words have not 
been worthy of the subject ... I would leave my 
place to another. ..." 

But this was at once opposed by the Magnifico 
Giuliano, who said that he was waiting to hear how the 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Courtier was to use the good conditions and qualities 
which were needful for him. 

The Lord General (or Signor Prefetto), although so 
young (only seventeen), was wise and discreet beyond 
his years, and in all his actions showed his greatness of 
soul and a certain vivacity of intellect which truly fore- 
told the high degree of honour and virtue to which he 
afterwards rose. 

On the words of the Magnifico he suddenly fol- 
lowed: "If all this yet remains to be spoken of, it 
seems to me that I have arrived in good time ; because 
if I hear in what manner the Courtier must use his 
good qualities, I shall also hear what they are, and 
shall thus learn all that has been hitherto said. There- 
fore do not refuse, Count Lodovico, to pay the 
remainder of this debt towards which you have already 
done so much." 

" I should not have to pay so great a debt," replied 
the Count, "if the burden had been more equally 
divided, but the mistake has been to give authority to 
so partial a lady " ; and with these words he turned 
smiling towards the Lady Emilia. 

" You should not complain of my partiality," she 
said, "for we will give part of the honour which you 
call labour unto another." Whereupon she invited 
Messer Federico Fregoso to continue the discourse, 
but he excused himself on the ground that he who had 
defined the qualities of the Courtier, would tell them 
how they should be used. 

At length M. Calmeta suggested that, as it was so 
late, it would be better to defer the rest of the discus- 
sion until the morrow, and d 
pastime to close the evening. 
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COURTS AND CAMPS 

This was agreed upon by all, and the Duchess asked 
Madonna Margherita and Madonna Costanza Fregosa 
for a dance. At once Barletta, a most pleasing musi- 
cian and excellent dancer, who constantly entertained 
the Court, began to play upon his instruments, and the 
two ladies hand in hand first danced a Bassa (a Spanish 
dance very popular in the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- 
turies), and then a Roegarze (a French dance performed 
with tambourines) with extreme grace, giving great 
pleasure to those who saw it. When that was at an 
end, the night being far advanced, the Signora 
Duchessa rose to her feet, and each one present, taking 
leave with all reverence, departed to his rest. 

Book II 

Concerning the fashion^ the manner, and the time in 
which the Perfect Courtier must display his qualities. 
Various *' Facetice'' (Jests, etc.). 

It is strange to see how it has ever been the custom of 
old men to praise past times and blame th^e present. 
For surely their reason and experience should have 
made their judgment more perfect, and they should 
consider that if the world had been steadily growing 
worse, and the children ever inferior to their parents, 
we should long since have reached the lowest depths. 
I believe that this constant error of every period is that 
in old age there is less vigour of body and mind, 
therefore the sweet flowers of content fade away from 
our hearts as the leaves fall from the trees in autumn. 
We look back upon the days of our youth, as a time 
when heaven and earth rejoiced with gladness sur- 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

passing sweet, and the fair springtime of mirth 
flourished in a pleasant garden most beautiful and 
rare. While for us in the cold season of age, the Sun 
of our life draws towards the west, and we are robbed 
of our past delights. Thus, old men are like unto us 
when we sail away from a beautiful haven which we 
watch with longing eyes . . . and we, in the vessel of 
mortality, are ever driven away by a tempestuous sea 
which swallov/eth up and devoureth all things ; for 
never more may we return to the shore, but always 
tossed and beaten about by contrary winds, in the end 
our vessel is broken to pieces upon some rock. . . . 

The memory of past delights seems to the old, ex- 
ceeding rich and rare, and leaves the present cold and 
dull. Thus when they speak of the Courts of their 
youth, they cannot praise enough that of Duke Filippo 
Visconti, or of Duke Borso of Este, and see only good 
and noble deeds in those times, while they are keenly 
alive to all the evils of the famous Courts of to-day. 
These old men blame the present fashions, which in 
themselves are neither good nor ill, and say that it is 
not well to see young men riding in the streets, and 
especially upon mules, nor should they wear furs, nor 
long robes in winter, nor should a cap be worn until 
a young man is at least eighteen years of age. They 
would have us go back to the time when men wore 
open hose and low shoes, and to look fine, carried a 
hawk all day on the wrist, without any reason, and 
would dance with a lady without touching her hand, 
and other past fashions. But in truth, could any time 
be more splendid than our own here at this Court of 
Urbino? . . . 

When the following day had come, there was much 

Q 225 



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talk amongst the gentlemen and ladies of the Court 
about the discussion of the night before, in which the 
Lord General was greatly interested. And when the 
evening drew on, after supper, the company again 
assembled, and after a while they returned to the sub- 
ject of the way, the manner, and the time in which the 
Courtier should practise his good qualities. 

M. Unico Aretino was of opinion that this should 
be left to the discretion of the Courtier, who certainly 
would not wish to do things out of place, like dancing 
a Morisco down the street, however well he could do 
it, or seeking to comfort with merry jests a mother 
who had lost her child. 

M. Federico Fregoso replied that these were extreme 
cases, but that it often became a matter of delicate 
consideration to know when a man should show forth 
his skill or learning, and when he should abstain from 
doing so. We are all by nature more inclined to 
blame than to praise, and of this the Courtier should 
take heed. Thus modesty is much to be commended 
in a gallant and valiant Knight, and as courage seems 
greater when it is accompanied with gentleness, so 
courtesy is more striking in a brave man. Above all 
things he must avoid affectation. Let him consider 
well what he proposes to do, the place, the spectators, 
his own age and profession, and what will be the result 
of it all. 

The elderly Courtier, M. Sigismondo Morello, did 
not think that he learnt much from these words, 
although he had heard some rather like them from a 
triar when he went to confession. 

Signor Federico smiled at this, and said that he 
would give a few more definite examples: "I have 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

known brave men who had no sense of proportion, 
and would risk their life as readily to carry off a flock 
of sheep, as to be foremost in scaling the walls of a 
beleaguered city. If a Courtier is to show forth feats 
of chivalry in open tournament, I would have him 
provide splendid armour, to look as handsome as 
possible, and a fine horse with goodly trappings, and 
to have suitable crests and devices, and go forth with 
such grace as to draw unto him the eyes of all lookers- 
on, as the magnet attracts iron. He must never be 
amongst the last to enter the lists, as people take much 
more heed to those who go first, before the novelty has 
worn off. There was a famous actor in bygone days 
who would always go first upon the stage. 

A Courtier in his conversation, must always bear in 
mind to whom he is speaking. Do you remember, 
M. Morello, the friend I told you of who, in speaking 
to a lady he had never seen before, boasted of how 
many men he had slain, and tried to show her how to 
defend herself from the stroke of a pole-axe . . . until the 
poor creature was in such terror, that an hour seemed 
a thousand years before she could escape from him, 
lest he should kill her as he did the others. 

" A gentleman should also be careful where he shows 
his skill in sport and who he matches himself against." 

M. Caspar Pallavicino remarked that in Lombardy 
it was often the custom for young nobles in time of 
festival, to dance all day in the sunshine with the 
country folk, and spend time with them in wrestling, 
running, and leaping. In this familiar intercourse he 
thought there was a pleasing liberty. 

**I would have nothing to do with this dancing in 
the sunshine," replied M. Federico. *' But as for the 
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wrestling, running, and leaping, a noble may join 
with the countrymen out of courtesy, and if he be well 
assured of being the winner, otherwise I would not 
have him meddle with it at all, for it is a poor sight 
when a 'gentiluomo' is beaten by a 'villano.' The 
game of palla [a kind of tennis] is usually played in 
public, and I would have our Courtier join in this as 
a matter which is not his profession, and not appear to 
bestow much time on it or look for praise, although he 
may play extremely well. ..." 

''We have a young Cardinal in Rome," said 
M. Cesare Gonzaga, "who is so proud of his strength 
that he takes his visitors, although he may never have 
seen them before, out into his garden, and persuades 
them to strip to the giuppone [short, tight doublet], and 
have a turn at leaping with him." 

M. Federico Fregoso proceeded to point out that 
some exercises, like dancing, should be done in private, 
or only amongst your equals, unless the gentleman 
wears a mask, which gives a certain liberty. After 
entering into this more fully, he touched upon the 
subject of music. He recommends singing with the 
viola, either as a solo, or adding recitation to it, which 
gives the words so much grace and strength. And 
the music of four " viole da arco " — (the first and second 
violin, the viola and the violoncello, which makes a 
quartette. Castiglione himself had various musical 
instruments, and was a fine performer) — gives great 
delight, as it is most sweet and full of harmony. 
"Such music gives much pleasure to ladies, and is 
most suitable for their society." 

Then follows a discussion as to the age when a man 
should no longer sing and play in public ; it is more 
228 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

seemly for the old to listen than perform. Every age 
has its special virtue and vice, and if old men are wiser 
than the young, they are harder to please and more 
masterful. . . . Let old men, therefore, be not too lavish 
of words, or of praising their former deeds too much, and 
let them turn to account the wisdom and knowledge 
which they have gained by long experience, and 
become almost oracles to those who seek them for 
counsel, adding to the grace of years a certain temper- 
ate and cheerful pleasantness. In this way they will 
prove themselves good Courtiers, and their company 
will be eagerly sought at all times, and in matters of 
importance their advice will be of great weight. The 
young Courtier may also command respect for his 
judgment, but too much gravity is a bad sign for a 
young man, although a quiet demure manner is a 
great gift. For thus the natural lightness of youth is 
corrected ; as in an old man a bright and cheerful 
temper shows the strength of the mind, and is much 
to be admired. But, in truth, no fixed rule can be 
laid down, as no two men are ever alike. 

Yet all his good qualities will not acquire for our 
Courtier general favour with all men, unless he is 
gentle and courteous in daily life, but indeed, I can 
scarcely give him more rules than those which M. 
Morello learnt as a child at confession. 

The Lady Emilia smiled at this, but would not suffer 
the discussion to end thus, and M. Federico continued, 
taking up the question of the Courtier's behaviour 
towards his Prince, whom he must love and reverence 
with all his soul. Thus alone will he be able to serve 
him truly, and please him in all things. 

*'It seems to me that in these few words you have 
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given us the picture of an accomplished flatterer," ex- 
claimed Pietro of Naples. 

"You are mistaken, Signor," replied M. Federico, 
''for flatterers do not love their Lords. . . . Our Cour- 
tier will please and obey the commands of him whom 
he serves, to all good ends, without flattery. If he has 
a good judgment to know what pleases his Lord, and 
wit and wisdom to make him love that which it is well 
for him to hear, he will always be desired as a com- 
panion. He may not speak ill of any man, or repeat 
evil reports, or trifling news ; he shall be no gossip, no 
slanderer, no boaster. He shall very rarely, if ever, 
ask anything of his Lord for himself, and when he 
makes an appeal for others, it shall be something just 
and reasonable which may be granted with honour. . . . 
If favour and promotion come to him, he shall receive 
them modestly yet with proper dignity, and not as 
though he thought himself unworthy. ..." 

This matter was the subject of discussion for a while, 
and also the question of a Courtier's duty if he served 
a wicked Prince, or were commanded to do an evil 
deed. Messer Federico held that a gentleman should 
leave the service of an unjust or cruel Lord — yet never 
in time of war or peril — and that he was not bound to 
do anything against his honour. The next point con- 
sidered was the dress of a Courtier, which gives an in- 
sight into the customs of the sixteenth century. M. 
Federico said that Italy having become a prey to all 
nations, had in a way copied their fashions. The 
French wear their waists too long, and the Germans too 
short, but the Italians improve upon these. It is 
always better to choose a grave and quiet, rather than a 
showy style ; therefore black is a most suitable colour 
230 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

for apparel, or if not quite black, yet somewhat dark, 
at least for ordinary use ; but there is no doubt that 
bright and cheerful colours look better over armour. 
There must also be festival garments, well trimmed, 
rich and splendid, for in public spectacles, games, mas- 
querades and such like, a certain amount of brightness 
and liveliness sets forth games and tournaments. But 
on the whole, Spanish quietness in dress is to be 
admired, as an outward sign of inward repose. 

M. Cesare Gonzaga remarked that if a gentleman 
were worthy, his clothes neither increased nor dimin- 
ished his reputation. 

M. Federico : "That is true. Yet who amongst us, 
seeing a gentleman with a robe quartered in divers 
colours and adorned with points and laces and fringes, 
will not think him a fool or a buffoon ? " 

M. Pietro Bembo observed that they would not think 
so in Lombardy, where all men dressed in this way. 

The Duchess, with a smile, added that if this were the 
case, such costume was as suitable for them as long 
wide sleeves for the Venetians and hoods for the men 
of Florence. 

" In every nation you will find some wise and some 
foolish," said M. Federico; "but I would have the 
Courtier with regard to all his garments, take delight in 
perfect neatness and precision, not devoting himself to 
one point and neglecting the others. For men are 
judged by their appearance as well as by their speech 
and actions." 

M. Pallavicino did not agree with this, and quoted 
the proverb : "The Habit maketh not the Monk." 

The next subject debated was the choice of friends, 
in which it was argued that those who are bound to- 
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gether in close affection and inseparable company, 
should be alike in desires, in mind, in judgment, and 
in disposition, for a man is judged by his friends. 

M. Pietro Bembo declared that nowadays very few 
true friends were to be found. No more are there in 
the world those Pylades and Orestes, Theseus and 
Perithous, Scipio and Laelius. ... So cruelly has he 
been deceived himself by those he loved and trusted, 
that henceforth he would lay bare his inmost soul to no 
man. . . . 

M. Federico rejoined that friendship was needful 
for the life of man, and that if this perfect fellowship 
were taken away, great indeed would be the loss. 
''And though some profane this holy name of friend- 
ship, yet is that no reason for depriving good men of 
this great felicity. I believe that there are still amongst 
us friends whose love is unbroken, and will so endure 
till death, in no degree less than those men of olden 
time. Yet I own that this close tie should bind to- 
gether only two, otherwise there is risk, for as we know, 
two musical instruments are easier to bring in harmony 
together than three. I would therefore have our Courtier 
choose for himself such a special friend, of virtues like 
unto his own. And this friendship will endure, if he is 
courteous, gentle, of a generous nature, ever diligent 
to serve and honour his friend when he is absent as 
well as present, bearing with him and not ready to take 
offence, but willing to correct his own faults, and never 
seeking for himself the highest place. ..." 

After this matter had been talked of, there followed 

a discussion about games. Young M. Caspar Palla- 

vicino asked whether a Courtier should play at dice or 

cards; and the reply was that he might do so in modera- 

232 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

tion, if it were not for the sake of earning money, or 
causing loss to other men. With regard to the game 
of chess, M. Federico spoke of it as most excellent ; 
but having this fault, that to play it well, a man must 
devote as much time and study as would learn some 
noble science. (In the highest Italian society there was 
quite a passion for chess at this time. Pope Leo X 
had a set of silver chessmen and delighted in the 
game, as did Isabella d'Este and many distinguished 
people.) 

Many games and amusements are of little value in 
themselves, yet sometimes bring a man into favour at 
Court. One point is worthy of notice, that when a 
Courtier goes to a strange place where he is not known, 
it is well to let a good report precede him ... as at 
least he will be saved the trouble of explaining who 
he is. 

M. Bibbiena was in doubt about this, as he thought 
it dangerous to raise too much expectation beforehand ; 
he himself had been often deceived. 

He was assured that in truth we all believe the 
opinion of others more than our own. Thus, when 
a poem was recited as being the work of some famous 
man, it was praised beyond all reason, until the mis- 
take was discovered, and then no one would listen to it. 
The same with a certain anthem sung in presence of 
the Duchess, which was not admired until it was known 
to be the work of Josquin de Pres (a famous French 
musician). Even with wines M. Caspar was deceived, 
and said that one from Genoa was perfect and the other 
had no taste, when both were from the same cask. 

Therefore the Courtier must never run the risk of an 
evil report. . . . To conclude, I say that he should do 
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things so well that all men should wonder at him, and 
he at no man. Yet not showing himself high and 
haughty at the sight of the good deeds of others, but 
with gentleness and courtesy giving full praise where 
it is due. And if matters arise in which he has no 
knowledge, I would have him willing to confess his 
ignorance. 

"Not like the philosopher Nicoletto," said Calmeta, 
*'who, being appointed Lecturer in Law by the Gover- 
nor of Padua, would not own that he knew nothing of 
law, urging the saying of Socrates, that a philosopher 
should never own that he did not know." 

After a little more talk on this subject, M. Federico 
asked leave to end his discourse, and the Lord General 
suggested that they should consider the subject of jests 
and pleasant stories {Jacezie). (Much of the following 
classification is taken from Cicero's De Oratore^ lib. ii.) 

M. Federico remarked that jests were of two sorts : 
one as of a pleasant story told with such grace and 
vigour that they make the whole story pass before the 
eyes of the listener, and the other kind very short, 
quick, and subtle, witty sayings which excite laughter. 
. . . On this there was some discussion, and the Lady 
Emilia decided that M. Bibbiena should be requested 
to speak of jests, as it was well known that he had 
purposed to write on the subject. Afterwards M. 
Federico should continue the subject of the Courtier. 

Then said M. Federico Fregoso : "Madam . . . 
like a traveller on the way, somewhat weary of his 
long journey at noontide, I will rest while M. Bib- 
biena speaks, as it were under some fair tree that casts 
a pleasant shadow, by the sweet murmuring of living 
waters. ..." 

234 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

After a while, M. Bernardo Bibbiena began, turn- 
ing towards the Duchess and the Lady Emilia: "I 
am like one who would sing to the viola when Messer 
Giacomo Sansecondo [a famous and delightful musician] 
is standing by. . . . Now in speaking of what causes 
laughter, man has been described as a living creature 
that can laugh, to distinguish him from all others. For 
this reason men have invented many things joyful and 
refreshing, such as games and pastimes and festive 
shows. To gain the goodwill of the people, who love 
those who amuse them, kings of olden days in Rome 
and Athens and elsewhere, build theatres, and have 
races and public sports, comedies, tragedies, and the 
like. In these all men delighted ; grave philosophers, 
workers in the fields, mariners, and even holy men, and 
prisoners waiting for death, desire some cheerful refresh- 
ment. Whatever causes laughter makes the mind cheer- 
ful and gives pleasure, so that for a while man forgets the 
ills with which our life is filled. Thus laughing is very 
acceptable to all men, and he is worthy of much praise 
who can excite us to it in suitable time and fashion. I 
speak not of common buffoons, but the way of the 
Courtier is far different and to be well considered. 

' ' It does not provoke laughter to mock at a poor soul in 
misery and calamity, nor to ridicule those who are in 
high favour and beloved by all men, for this is full of 
danger. I will give you an instance of the kind of jest, 
of the longer kind. When Pope Alexander VI died 
and Pius III was elected, Messer Antonio Agnello was 
at Rome in the palace with certain friends, and 
remarked that in the days of Catullus the gates would 
speak and prophesy, and possibly those in the great 
hall where they were, might have the same virtue. 
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Looking up, he pointed to the inscription 'Alexander 
VI,' and said: ' Look, this gate says *' Alessandro Papa 
F?," which means that he prevailed more by force than 
reason. Now we will see what the other gate says : 
" N. PP. V." (which means Nicholas Papa Quintus),and 
he exclaimed : * Here is bad news, for this gate says 
' ' Nihil Papa Valet. " ' " Several other tales were related, 
and then came one we may call the Abbot's Judgment. 

Duke Federico of Urbino was considering what 
should be done with the great quantity of rubbish 
thrown up when the foundation of the palace was dug 
out, and the Abbot said: *'My Lord Duke, I have 
thought where you can put it. Let there be a great pit 
dug, and into that you may cast the rubbish without 
any more trouble." Then Duke Federico asked him, 
being much amused : *' But what will you do with the 
quantity of earth dug out of this pit of yours?" The 
Abbot replied : *' Let the hole be made so large that it 
will hold both one and the other." And although the 
Duke repeated many times that the greater the pit, the 
more earth would be dug out of it, the poor Abbot 
never saw the point, and only insisted that the hole 
should be made so much larger. 

M. Bernardo then told a story of the men of Siena, 
how one of them hearing certain letters read in the 
Council Chamber, noticed that the expression il Pre- 
libato was repeated many times. (This means the 
aforesaid^ and was used to avoid repeating the name of 
a person.) So he asked: "I pray you tell me about 
this Prelibato ? Is he a friend of our Commune ? " 

M. Pietro laughed and rejoined: "I will now tell 
you a story about the Florentines. When the Lords of 
Florence were making war against Pisa, they were very 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

short of money on account of their great expenses, and 
considering the matter one day in the Council Chamber, 
after various other proposals one of the oldest citizens 
said : * I have thought of two ways by which, without 
much trouble, we may raise the money we require : 
one is that, as our best revenue comes from the customs 
paid at the gates of Florence, of which there are XI^ 
let us quickly make XI more, and so we shall double our 
receipts. The other way is to set up a mint in Pistoia, 
and another in Prato, neither more nor less than the 
one in Florence, and let them do nothing else day and 
night but coin money, all in ducats of gold ; and this, I 
think, would be the quickest way and the least ex- 
pensive.'" 

There was much amusement at this clever device of 
the citizen, and then M. Bernardo gave an instance of 
those curious affectations which are ridiculous when they 
pass all bounds. Thus a certain lady who was at a 
great festival, sat musing alone and appeared very sad, 
and when asked the reason of her trouble, she replied : 
''I am thinking about something which troubles me 
very much whenever it comes into my mind. It is this, 
that when the day of judgment comes, all bodies must 
arise and appear naked before the tribunal of Christ, 
and I cannot endure the grief I feel in thinking that 
mine too must be unclothed." 

Here II Magnifico Giuliano offered to tell a most 
excellent story which he had heard from a merchant of 
Lucca. This merchant, being once upon a time in 
Poland, resolved to buy a quantity of sables and sell 
them with great profit in Italy. As he could not him- 
self go into Muscovy on account of the war between 
the King of Poland and the Duke of Muscovy, he 
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arranged by means of the country people that, upon an 
appointed day, certain merchants of Muscovy should 
come with their sables to the borders of Poland, where 
he promised to meet and do business with them. So 
this merchant of Lucca, travelling with his company 
towards Muscovy, arrived at the river Boristhenes, 
which he found frozen hard like marble ; and he saw 
on the other side the Muscovites, who would not trust 
the men of Poland or cross the river. When they 
recognised each other, the merchants of Muscovy began 
to speak in a loud voice, and told the price for which 
they would sell the sables, but the cold was so intense 
that the words never came across the river, but were 
congealed in the air, and remained there completely 
frozen. When no sound reached the merchant of 
Lucca and his interpreters, these, being Poles, under- 
stood what had happened, and they at once made a 
great fire in the middle of the frozen river, where it 
seemed to them that the voices had been intercepted by 
the frost. When they had done this, and waited for 
about an hour, the words began to thaw and descend 
with a noise like snow on the mountains in May, and 
they were at once well understood. But the men on 
the other side had already departed, and the merchant 
of Lucca, thinking that the frozen words asked too 
high a price for the sables, would not bargain, and 
came away without them. 

Plutarch also tells a similar story of Antipanes, who 
''visited a certain city where words froze as soon as 
spoken by reason of the great cold ; and later, sounds 
uttered in the winter melted in the spring, and were 
heard of the inhabitants." This was to illustrate the 
truth that those who came as young men to hear Plato 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

only understood his words 'Mong after," when grown 
old. 

At this all the company laughed, and M. Bernardo 
offered to tell them another story of the same kind, 
which if not so subtle, was yet amusing. When talk- 
ing a few days ago of the new country discovered by 
the mariners of Portugal, my friend assured me that he 
had seen an ape, different in shape from those we 
know, who played chess extremely well. One day, 
before the King of Portugal, the gentleman who 
brought her played chess with her, and the ape made 
such subtle moves that he had the worst of it, and was 
at last checkmated. At this the gentleman was so 
vexed, as people often are when they lose the game, 
that he took up the king, a large heavy piece, and 
gave the ape a great blow on the head. She jumped 
on one side, lamenting greatly, and seemed to ask 
redress from the King. When the gentleman asked 
her to play again, she refused at first, but at length 
consented, and once more met with the same success. 
At length, when she was on the point of giving check- 
mate, she thought of a plan by which she could avoid 
any more blows, and, gently catching up a little elbow 
cushion, she used her left hand to give him mate with 
a pawn, and with her right hand held the cushion on 
her head to ward off all strokes. Then she leapt joy- 
fully before the King, as though in token of her 
victory. Now was not this ape wise and full of fore- 
thought and prudence ? 

M. Cesare Gonzaga said that this ape must have 
been a learned professor amongst other apes, and 
they must have sent her from India to acquire reputa- 
tion in an unknown country. 
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Then follow some jests which would lose their point if 
translated, as they depend upon the different meaning 
of the same word in Italian or in Latin. Somewhat of 
this kind was one told about Proto da Lucca, who 
asked the Pope to give him the Bishopric of Calio. 
The Pope answered: "Know you not that Calio in 
Spanish means * I hold my peace ' ? and this would be 
untrue each time the Bishop named his title." But 
Proto was not discouraged, and he repeated his appli- 
cation, saying: **Holy Father, if your Holiness will 
give me this Bishopric, it will not be without profit to 
you, for you shall have two offices from me." "And 
what offices have you to offer me?" asked the Pope. 
" I will give you the Officium Principale and the 
Officium Beatce Marie.''^ At this the Pope, although 
he was a very serious person, could not refrain from 
laughing. 

I asked Fedra (Tommaso Inghirami) once how it was 
that, when there are prayers in Church on Good 
Friday not only for Christians, but also for Pagans 
and Jews, there was no mention made of Cardinals, 
although Bishops and other prelates are mentioned. 
He replied that Cardinals are included in the petition 
which says : " Oremus pro haereticis et Schismaticis." 

Do you not remember how the Lord General told us 
about Giovantomaso Galeotto, who wondered at being 
asked 200 ducats for a horse which he said was not 
worth a quattrino, as amongst other faults he could 
not endure arms, and it was not possible to make him 
approach them. On this the Lord General, wishing to 
reproach him for cowardice, replied : " If the horse has 
this desire to flee from arms, I only wonder that his 
owner did not ask 1000 ducats." 
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Alinari, Photo 



ELISABETTA GONZAGA, DUCHESS OF URBINO 



To face p. 240 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Many more jests are given, chiefly depending on 
various meanings of the same word. There are also 
grave sayings which show a quick wit. As when a 
certain Salazza praised a lady for her virtuous quali- 
ties and also for her beauty, she said that could not 
be, as she was well stricken in years. To which he 
replied: ''Signora, with regard to your age, it doth 
but make you more like the angels, who were the first, 
and are now the most ancient creatures God ever 
made." 

One day the Great Captain was sitting at table and 
every place was filled, when he saw two Italian gentle- 
men standing by, who had done him very good service 
in the war. He rose at once from his seat and saw 
that room was made for these two, saying that but for 
them the company would not now be needing food. 
Again, another time, when Diego Garzia would have 
persuaded him to move from a dangerous place exposed 
to the enemy's guns, he replied : " Since God has not 
put fear into your mind, do not put it into mine." 

With regard to Louis XII, now King of France, 
when it was said to him soon after his accession that 
now was the time to revenge himself on his enemies, 
he made answer, "that it was not the place of the King 
of France to repay the injuries received by the Duke of 
Orleans." 

Another jest with a certain gravity about it, was the 
remark of the Archbishop of Florence to Cardinal 
Alessandro, that men have nothing but their possessions 
(roba), a body and a soul ; their possessions are at the 
disposal of lawyers, their body is in the hands of 
physicians, and their soul in that of theologians. To 
this il Magnifico Giuliano added, that a lawyer was 

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seldom seen to go to law, nor a physician to take 
medicine, nor a theologian to be a good Christian. 

After other examples, M. Bernardo Bibbiena pointed 
out how many pleasant and witty sayings come upon 
one with sudden incredibility. Thus Marius da Vol- 
terra said of a prelate who thought himself a very great 
person, that as he entered St. Peter's, he was accus- 
tomed to stoop lest he should strike his head against 
the architrave of the porch. And il Magnifico said of 
his servant Golpino that he was so thin and dried up, 
that one morning as he was blowing the fire to kindle 
it, he was carried away by the smoke up the chimney, 
and would have been blown away altogether if he had 
not been caught in one of the little windows above. 

Another story was told of a miser who would not sell 
his corn when it was at a high price, and when he 
saw the value go down very much, in despair he hung 
himself from a beam in his chamber. His servant came 
in haste and cut the rope, but when the miser came 
to himself, he insisted that the servant should pay for 
the halter which he had cut. 

And again, Lorenzo dei Medici was found in bed late 
one morning by a foolish person who blamed him for 
sleeping so much, and boastfully exclaimed : " I have 
been out in the Mercato Nuovo and the Vecchio, then 
beyond the Porto a San Gallo to walk about the walls, 
and I have done a thousand other things while you 
were still sleeping." To this Lorenzo replied: '' What 
I have dreamed in one hour is worth more than all that 
you have done in four hours." 

The kind of jesting that is founded upon contempt is 
often pleasing to great men. Thus King Alfonso I of 
Aragon, one day before dinner, took off many precious 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

rings before washing his hands and gave them to a 
servant near him to hold. This man, feeling sure that 
the King had not noticed to whom he gave them, as his 
mind was full of great matters, kept the rings ; and as 
days, weeks, and months passed without inquiry, the 
guilty servant felt quite safe. So it happened that 
nearly a year afterwards, as the King was again wash- 
ing his hands, the same man stepped forward to take 
the rings. But the King, drawing close to his ear, said : 
*' The first time was enough for you ; these will be good 
for another." Surely this was a piquant, ingenious, and 
serious taunt, and truly worthy of the magnanimity of 
an Alexander. 

Of this nature are many ironical sayings, when blame 
is given by means of fair words. As the Great Captain 
(Gonsalvo de Cordova) said about a knight of his who, 
after the battle of Cerignola (1503), when all was safe 
and the victory won, came to meet him in splendid 
armour, all ready to fight. The Great Captain turned 
to Ugo di Cardona and said: "There is no need to 
fear any more storm at sea, for St. Ermo [St. Erasmus, 
martyr, 304 a.d.] has appeared." The meaning being, 
that when St. Ermo appears to mariners at sea it is a 
sign that the tempest is over, and thus when this gen- 
tleman arrived, it was a token that all danger was at 
an end. 

There are other occasions when a man who is known 
to be wise says that which sounds foolish. When 
Scipio Nasica went to see Ennius, and called to him 
from the street, he distinctly heard Ennius tell his 
maidservant that he was not at home, and so departed. 
Soon afterwards, when Ennius returned the visit, Scipio 
exclaimed with a loud voice that he was not at home. 
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**How is this? Do I not know your voice?" said 
Ennius. Scipio replied: "You are too discourteous; 
the other day I believed your maid when she said you 
were not within, and now you will not believe me." 

Another variety of jest was that of Raphael the 
painter, when two Cardinals, with whom he was on 
intimate terms, found fault in his hearing with a picture 
he had painted of St. Peter and St. Paul, saying that 
they were too red in the face. To this Raphael replied : 
'* My lords, do not be surprised, for I have done this 
after deep study, as there is reason to believe that 
St. Peter and St. Paul are as you now see them, thus 
red in Heaven, from shame that the Church is governed 
by men like you." 

It is also a cause of laughter when a man has made a 
mistake, and in order to cover it, shows by a quick 
remark that he is not put out of countenance. Not 
long ago, two enemies were together in the Council 
Chamber of Florence, and one of them of the house of 
Altoviti fell asleep. For a joke, the man who sat next 
to him touched him on the elbow and woke him, saying : 
'* Do you not hear what your adversary says? Reply 
at once ; the Signori ask for your advice." Now in 
reality, Alamanni had said nothing, either then or 
before. But Altoviti, still sleepy and suspecting 
nothing, rose to his feet and exclaimed : '' My lords, I 
say the absolute contrary to that which Alamanni has 
spoken." On which this one replied : '' But I have said 
nothing." Altoviti immediately rejoined: ''To that 
which you are about to say." 

Also when familiar advice is given jestingly. Thus 
was Cosmo dei Medici's answer to a friend of his who 
had more money than brains, and who with the help of 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Cosmo had obtained an office outside Florence ; on set- 
ting forth he asked how he might govern well in this 
position of his, and Cosmo replied: "Dress in rose- 
colour and talk little." (It is curious to note that rose- 
colour was aristocratic and the extreme of fashion at 
this time, as purple had been in Roman days.) In one 
of Machiavelli's Florentine stories, he remarks that two 
yards {canne) of rose-coloured cloth makes a man of 
fashion. Of the same kind was the answer given by 
Count Lodovico to one who wished to pass unknown in 
a certain dangerous place. " Clothe thyself like a Pro- 
fessor, or in some other apparel that wise men wear." 

A man may use a word or expression meaning some- 
thing different from its ordinary use. The Lord 
General heard a captain spoken of, who by chance had 
won a victory, when he was usually defeated. It was 
said of him that he had ridden into the city clothed in 
a very handsome doublet of crimson velvet, which he 
always wore after his victories. Said the Lord General : 
*' It must have been quite new." 

It is a witty kind of speech for men of authority to 
give in a dry tone an answer contrary to expectation. 
In past times, Alfonso I, King of Aragon, gave to a 
servant of his a horse with harness and trappings, 
because the man told him that the night before he had 
dreamed that His Majesty gave him all these things. 
Not long after the servant came again, and said he had 
dreamed that a great number of golden florins were 
given to him. The King answered: **Do not hence- 
forth believe in dreams any more, for they are not likely 
to come true." 

It was in this manner that the Pope made answer to 
the Bishop of Cervia, who in order to try his luck said : 
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*' Holy Father, it is reported all over Rome, and in the 
Palace also, that your Holiness is going to make me 
Governor." Then the Pope said : ** Let the wretches 
say what they like ; have no doubt about it that there 
is not a word of truth in the report." 

Messer Bernardo Bibbiena gave examples of other 
jests, and pointed out how many different kinds there 
are. Some will move a man to pleasant laughter, but 
others have a certain sting in them ; we laugh at some 
as soon as they are heard, while others require thought, 
and are more appreciated in the end. Some will cause 
a man to blush, others will stir him to anger. There 
is also much in the time and manner of telling jests. 
'*But you, Messer Federico, who thought to rest 
yourself under the leaves of my tree . . . must often 
have thought that you had entered into the hostel 
of Montefiore." (This ''tristo albergo " had become a 
proverb at that time. But, indeed, all the country inns 
of the Cinquecento were usually intolerable ; they were 
mostly kept by Germans.) 

** Nay, I am come to so good an inn that I desire to 
tarry longer in it," replied M. Federico. ''For you 
have not yet told us about those practical jokes [burle] 
you promised us. . . " 

"... A practical joke should be a friendly decep- 
tion in matters that give little or no offence, and of this 
kind I will tell you one. Not long since, there arrived 
in a certain Court a countryman from the neighbour- 
hood of Bergamo, to enter into service with a gentle- 
man of the Court. He was of such good appearance 
and so finely clad, that although he had done nothing 
but keep oxen, yet any one who had not heard him 
speak might take him for a gallant cavalier. And so 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

two great ladies at the Court were informed that a 
Spaniard had arrived, whose name was Castilio, as 
servant to Cardinal Borgia ; a very witty man, a 
musician, a dancer, and the best Courtier in all Spain. 
The ladies were very anxious to see him, and received 
him with great honour, causing him to sit down and 
talking to him with great respect in the presence of 
all men, most of whom knew him to be only a cowherd 
from Bergamo. The spectators began to laugh, the 
more so as the good man always spoke in his native 
dialect of Bergamo. But the gentlemen who were 
playing this trick had assured the ladies that he was a 
great jester, and spoke all languages extremely well, 
especially the Lombard dialect, so that they were amazed 
and thought it wonderful. This lasted so long to 
the great amusement of the company, that the man 
betrayed himself more and more, until the ladies found 
out how they had been taken in." 

After this, other practical jokes were told which were 
by no means either harmless or edifying, some being 
quoted from Boccaccio which were certainly beyond 
the bounds of all jesting suitable for noble lords or 
ladies. But in the days of the Renaissance, things 
were spoken of which would now be passed over in 
silence. 

In the dialogues of the Cortegiano, it is Count 
Caspar Pallavicino who is supposed always to speak 
against women, and this he certainly does not fail to 
do. II Magnifico Giuliano dei Medici on the other 
hand, is ever on their side, and the Lady Emilia Pia 
calls upon him to be their champion. He declares that 
the Courtier should always bear very great reverence 
towards women, and he hopes to show that they may 
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attain to most of those excellent and divine qualities 
which are spoken of for the Perfect Courtier . . . in- 
deed, that women may have as many virtues as men. 

"Nay, a great deal more," said the Lady Emilia; 
"for as you know virtue is feminine and vice is mascu- 
line." 

Then said the Duchess : "As it is very late we will 
put off this discussion until to-morrow, as we shall 
thus give Signor Giuliano time to imagine the greatest 
perfection that can be desired in a woman, and to 
express it in suitable words, as we trust to his wit and 
judgment." 

II Magnifico accepts the important part allotted to 
him, being also perfectly willing that every man should 
make reply against him if he wish to do so, as this will 
more clearly bring out the perfection of a Lady of the 
Court. 

The Duchess suggests that the discussion shall begin 
early the next day, in order to give time to accomplish 
their purpose. Then all the company arose to their 
feet, and taking leave reverently of the Duchess, every 
man withdrew to his own chamber. 



Book III 

The most excellent Court of Urbino — Concerning the Lady 
of the Courty as compared with the Perfect Courtier 
— Woman in the past and the present — The qualities 
needful for her perfection. 

This third book of the Cortegiano, still dedicated 

like the others to Messer Alfonso Ariosto, begins with 

most eloquent praise of the Court of Urbino, which so 

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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

far excelled all others in Italy as Hercules in size and 
strength surpassed other men. It is the earnest purpose 
of the writer to defend this famous memory from mortal 
oblivion, and so to describe it that it may live in the 
mind of posterity. Thus perchance in the future there 
will not be wanting those who will envy this time, as 
they who read of the wonderful things of the past, 
believe them to be still greater than any eloquence can 
describe. So the noble cavaliers and most worthy 
ladies who may read this book, will surely believe 
that the Court of Urbino was far more excellent and 
adorned with men of more singular talent than can 
ever be expressed by words. 

When the company was assembled at the usual place 
on the following day, the Duchess addressed II Mag- 
nifico Giuliano and called upon him to show forth the 
beauties of this Lady of the Court. After some further 
discussion he turned to her and said courteously : 
''Signora, since it is your pleasure, I will say what 
occurs to me, but I doubt if I shall give satisfaction. 
It would be much easier for me to picture a lady who 
deserves to be queen of the world than a perfect lady of 
the Court, for of her I scarcely know where to find an 
example ; but of a queen I have no need to seek far, for 
I have only to imagine the heavenly qualities of a lady 
I know and see before me. ..." 

" Do not go beyond your commission, Signor 
Magnifico, but picture to us a lady of the palace 
worthy to serve this mistress," said the Duchess. 

''I will seek, then, to describe this most excellent 

lady as I would have her, and when I have succeeded 

I will take her for my own, after the example of 

Pygmalion. Count Caspar has said that the same 

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rules given for the Courtier apply also to the lady ; but 
that is not my opinion, for although some qualities are 
common to both, yet there are others more suitable to 
the woman than the man, and some which are quite 
alien to her. The same may be said of bodily exer- 
cises ; but above all, in her manner, words, gestures, 
and deportment, the woman should be altogether un- 
like the man. For as he should show a certain manli- 
ness, strong and steadfast, it is well for a woman to 
have a soft and delicate tenderness, with a kind of 
womanly sweetness in all her movements, that whether 
she go, or stand or speak, she will ever appear to be a 
woman without any likeness to a man. Bearing this 
principle in mind, she may be endowed with most of 
the good qualities of the Courtier. Many virtues of 
the mind are quite as necessary for the woman as for 
the man. Also, I would have her of noble birth, one 
who avoids affectation, has a natural grace in all she 
does, witty and prudent, not envious nor evil-speaking, 
nor vain, but knowing how to win and keep the good 
will of her Lady and of all others. Beauty is more need- 
ful for her than for the Courtier, as, in truth, much is 
wanting to a woman who has no beauty. She must be 
more circumspect, and more careful to give no occasion 
for ill reports. ... I would have her share the Courtier's 
virtues of wisdom, magnanimity, prudence, and others; 
she must be good and discreet, manage her husband's 
goods and her house and children when she is married, 
and all things needful to the good mother of a family. 
A Lady of the Court must also have a certain pleasing 
affability and sweetness of manner, with a quick viva- 
city of mind, and quiet, modest ways." Then follow 
full directions concerning all she may do and leave 
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undone, that she may be well esteemed of all. ''Thus 
adorned with all good behaviour, showing supreme 
grace in all bodily exercises suitable to a lady, her con- 
versation being gracious, full of wisdom and pleasant- 
ness, she shall be not only beloved, but held in rever- 
ence by all men, and so prove worthy to be compared 
with the Perfect Courtier, both for the qualities of mind 
and body." 

Throughout the whole of this discussion about 
women, we notice that Count Lodovico Canossa is 
the advocate on the other side, and never fails to say 
something disparaging to the Lady of the Court. It is 
quite possible that many of his remarks are made jest- 
ingly, or to show what a very fine witty fellow this 
young lord thinks himself; but many of his words 
would be considered not only very rude, but quite 
impossible at the present day, when we only use plain 
straightforward language in the homely Saxon phrase 
of the Bible. 

The courtly Florentine, II Magnifico Giuliano, is 
urged by this opposition to speak in glowing terms 
of praise, but the gentle sweetly feminine woman is 
his ideal, and he has not much sympathy with more 
vigorous qualities. Thus when Cesare Gonzaga says 
that he has seen women play at tennis, practise feats of 
arms, ride and hunt, II Magnifico says : 

"Since I am to picture this Lady according to my 
mind, I would not have her practise these robust and 
manly exercises, and even in those which are suitable 
for women, I would have her preserve that gentleness 
and soft delicacy which are so attractive. In her 
dancing let there be no swift and violent movements, 
and in her singing and playing, no strong contrasts 
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which show more art than sweetness. She should 
choose musical instruments suitable to this : for ima- 
gine how ungraceful a thing it would be to see a 
lady playing the drum, or blowing a flute or a 
trumpet, or any such -like instrument. . . . When 
she is asked to dance, to sing or play, she should be 
somewhat entreated, and only consent with a certain 
modest timidity. She should also wear appropriate 
garments, and although it is lawful and necessary that 
women should think more of their beauty than men, 
and even add to the gift of nature, they should always 
show that they do not give too much study or care to 
it. ... I would have the lady skilled in letters, in 
music, in drawing or painting, and she should know 
how to dance and to entertain on festal occasions. 
And so in conversing, in smiling, in devising games 
and pastimes, she will give the greatest pleasure to 
all who are in her company. To these lighter gifts, 
I would also add the virtues I spoke of — magnanimity, 
temperance, strength of mind, prudence, and others, 
that she may not only give pleasure, but be held in 
reverence by all." 

"As you give women all these virtues," said Count 
Caspar, smiling, "I wonder that you do not suffer 
them to rule cities, to make laws and to lead armies, 
while men are sent to the kitchen or to spin." 

"Perhaps that would not be amiss," replied II 
Magnifico, also with a smile. " Do you not know 
that Plato, who was not very friendly to women, 
would give them the governing of cities, and all the 
martial offices of men ? Do you not believe that 
many might be found who could rule cities and 
armies as well as men? But I have said nothing 
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about this, as I picture a Lady of the Court and not a 
Queen. . . ." 

Count Caspar insisted that all this was arrant flat- 
tery, and that it could not really please women to be 
told that they had so many virtues that Socrates, Cato, 
and all the philosophers in the world were not to be 
compared to them. He continues to argue that 
women are in all things inferior to men, and are 
indeed a defect of nature. But M. Giuliano will not 
agree to this, and points out how women in all times 
have distinguished themselves, although he owns that 
historians have been ever sparing in writing the 
praise of women. Is it not recorded that some have 
made war and won glorious victories, have governed 
kingdoms with great wisdom and justice, and have 
done all that men can do? Have not many distin- 
guished themselves in philosophy? and others have 
been most excellent in poetry? While some have 
pleaded in law, and both accused and defended most 
eloquently before judges. Of manual work it would 
be too long to speak, and there is no need to bear 
testimony." Then follows a long reasoning about 
Form and Matter and male and female, until at last 
the Lady Emilia can stand it no longer, and asks for 
plainer talk which may be understood. 

A little later the question of timidity in women is 
touched upon, as often arising from vivid imagination 
and subtleness of spirit, while at times the courage of 
men may be ignorance of danger without a clear know- 
ledge of the peril they incur. True courage comes 
of a determined will which esteems loyalty and duty 
above all things, and will go forward to meet peril, 
although there is no other way than death. Of this 
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sort we have seen and heard, both with great men and 
with women, who in ancient time and in the present 
day have shown this greatness of soul, and achieved 
matters worthy of infinite praise. 

M. Niccolo Frisio here remarked that the first woman 
in offending, made others to offend also against God, 
and left for an inheritance to mankind, death, affliction, 
sorrow, and all the misery and calamity in the world 
to-day. 

II Magnifico Giuliano replied: "If you will enter 
into the Sacristy [touch upon sacred things], do you 
not know how that same error was atoned for by a 
woman, and thereby we have attained far more than 
we had lost, so that the fault thus acquitted with so 
much merit is counted most happy? 

" But I will not now tell you how inferior all creatures 
are in dignity to the Virgin, Our Lady, nor will I mix 
up holy things with this our playful reasoning. I will 
not dwell upon the many women who with splendid 
constancy suffered cruel martyrdom under tyrants for 
the name of Christ, nor on those who with their learn- 
ing confuted in argument so many idolaters. And 
if you say that this was by a miracle and the grace 
of God, I say that no virtue deserves more praise. . . . 
Think how many there were of whom the world never 
heard, for their good works were done in secret, de- 
siring not the praise of men. ..." Then follows a 
fierce attack upon those hypocrites who, seeming to be 
religious men, are full of wickedness. The Lady Emilia 
is much troubled, as she says that he must mean the 
Friars, although he has not mentioned them by name. 
This gives us a curious insight into the popular feeling 
of the day. 

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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

II Mag-nifico is challenged by Count Caspar to give 
the names of women akin to great men who have been 
of equal merit, and he replies that his only difficulty is 
the number of such brave ladies. '*If time allowed 
me I would tell you the history of Octavia, wife of 
Mark Antony and sister to Augustus ; of Portia, 
daughter of Cato and wife of Brutus ; of Caia Cecilia, 
wife of Tarquinius Priscus ; of Cornelia, daughter of 
Scipio, and of many who are well known. And not 
only these of our land, but also barbarians [foreigners] 
such as Alexandra, the wife of Alexander King of the 
Jews, who, after her husband's death, behaved with 
such courage and wisdom that she stilled the tumult 
amongst the people and secured the succession for her 
young sons. . . . Know you not also that the wife and 
sisters of Mithridates showed far less fear of death 
than Mithridates himself? And the wife of Hasdrubal 
had more fortitude than himself, and Harmonia, 
daughter of Gelone King of Syracuse, desired to die 
in the burning of her native city." 

M. Niccolo Frisio here tells the old story of a 
woman's obstinacy, who when she was drowning would 
have the last word against her husband, holding up 
her fingers to make the sign of scissors when she 
could no longer speak. At this II Magnifico laughed, 
but objected that obstinacy, which has a noble purpose, 
should be called steadfastness. He alluded to Leona, 
in whose honour the Athenians placed the statue of 
a lioness without a tongue, before the gate of the 
castle, as a token of the great virtue of silence. For 
this woman, being in the secret of a conspiracy against 
the tyrants, suffered herself to be torn to pieces with 
cruel tortures rather than betray her friends. 
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The Lady Margherita Gonzaga asks to have fuller 
particulars about virtuous acts done by women, that 
the memory of them may not be lost. 

II Magnifico Giuliano is quite willing to please her, 
and amongst other stories tells the following : 

A certain Camma was a most beautiful and charming 
young woman, greatly devoted to her husband Sinatto. 
It happened that Sinorige, the ruler of the city in which 
they dwelt, fell in love with Camma,. and in order to 
obtain her for his wife caused Sinatto to be murdered. 
He then made suit to Camma, but she steadily refused 
him, until, seeing there was no hope of escape, she at 
length consented. But on the wedding-day, in the 
temple of Diana, she caused a certain sweet drink to 
be brought to her, and after drinking half of it she, as 
was the custom, handed the goblet to Sinorige, who 
finished the draught. Then Camma fell on her knees 
before the image of Diana, and joyfully declared to the 
goddess that with gladness and content she was going 
forth to join the sweet company of her husband's soul, 
whom in life and death she loved better than her own 
self. Then she bid Sinorige give orders to prepare 
a grave for himself and not a marriage bed, as she 
offered him a sacrifice to the shade of Sinatto. 
Thus it happened, for no remedies were of any avail 
against the poison. When she heard of the ruler's 
death, Camma looked up from her couch, and called 
upon the name of Sinatto, saying : ' Oh, most sweet 
consort, now that I have given thee the last tokens of 
tears and revenge, and there remains naught else I can 
do for thee here, I flee the world and this life which 
without thee is most cruel, and which was only dear to 
me for thy sake. Come, then, and meet me, signor 
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mio, and embrace this soul which comes so willingly to 
thee.' Then with outspread arms, as though embracing 
him, she passed away. Now, Frisio, what say you to 
this?" 

Frisio replied : "I think you wish to make the ladies 
weep. But allowing this to be true, I say you will no 
longer find such women in the world." 

II Magnifico asserted the contrary, and in order to 
prove it, told the story of a lady of Pisa very well 
known to his family. Her husband had been carried 
away by pirates and was believed to be dead, but after 
a long time the son of this Messer Tomaso found him 
alive in Barbary, redeemed him and brought him 
home. When his loving wife received the letter telling 
her of her son's success and the coming of her husband, 
she was so overcome with exceeding joy that she lifted 
her eyes to heaven, and calling on the name of her 
beloved one, she fell down dead. 

Upon this Count Caspar remarked that women do 
things in excess. Thus this woman did harm to her- 
self, her children, and her husband, turning the joy of 
his liberty into bitterness. 

*' I give her as an instance of a wife who loved her 
husband," said II Magnifico. '' I will now tell you of 
women who have been of great service to the world. 
Some have been deemed worthy to be called goddesses, 
as Pallas and Ceres and the Sibyls by whose mouth 
great things have been foretold. Some have taught 
great men, as Aspasia who instructed Pericles, and 
Diotima who, also by a sacrifice, saved Athens from 
the plague. I could tell you of Nichostrata, mother of 
Evander, who taught letters to the Latins (more legen- 
dary than historical), and of Corinna and Sappho who 
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were most excellent in poetry ; and, indeed, perhaps 
women had no less part in causing the greatness of 
Rome than men." He then tells the legend of the 
Trojan women who, when their ships were tossed by the 
stormy sea on the coast of Italy, near the mouth of the 
Tiber, weary of their wanderings, when the men were 
absent burnt the ships, and so the Trojans joined with 
the Latins in founding Rome. And again, the story of 
the Sabine women who made peace between their 
Roman husbands and their Sabine kindred, so that they 
all combined to form one people. 

Count Caspar at this point interposed with the story 
of the treachery of that daughter of Sp. Tarpeius who 
betrayed Rome, and would have suffered the enemy to 
take the Capitol. 

'*I tell you of an infinite number of good women, 
and you speak of but one who did evil," said M. 
Giuliano. Then he went on to speak of the hand- 
maidens who once delivered Rome, of the brave women 
of Scio who discomfited Philip of Macedon, of the 
Persian wives who stayed their husbands from flight, 
of the women of Saguntum who took up arms against 
Hannibal, and many more instances. But Count Gas- 
par was not convinced, and replied scornfully: ^'God 
knows if all this happened, for those times are so far 
off, and many lies are told. ..." 

II Magnifico next came to the great rulers amongst 
women, such as Amalasunta Queen of the Goths, 
Theodolinda Queen of the Lombards, both distin- 
guished for wisdom and virtue ; Theodora Empress 
of Greece, and in Italy the famous Countess Matilda, 
** whose praise I leave to be spoken by Count Lodovico 
Canossa, as he is of her house. How many noble ladies 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

do we not find famous in past time of the most noble 
house of Montefeltro ? And of the family of Gonzaga 
and of Este, and of Pio also, not speaking of those who 
are present ? Out of Italy we have seen Anne Queen of 
France, a very great lady, equal in justice, liberality, 
and holiness of life to the kings Charles VIII and 
Louis XII, who were both of them her husbands. See, 
too, the Lady Marguerite, daughter of the Emperor 
Maximilian, who with the very greatest justice and 
wisdom has ruled her State and still continues to do so. 
'' Consider what king or prince there has been in our 
days that can be compared to Queen Isabel of Spain. 
. . . Unless all the Spanish people have conspired to 
praise her unjustly, there has not been in our time a 
more shining example of true goodness, of greatness of 
soul, courage, wisdom, religion, courtesy, and gener- 
osity, indeed of all virtues, than Queen Isabel. And 
her great renown is indeed well deserved ... for all 
men know that she found the greater part of Castile in 
possession of the great nobles, yet she recovered the 
whole with so much justice and in such manner, that 
they remained her friends and were willing to make the 
surrender. It is also well known with what courage 
and wisdom she ever defended her realm from the most 
powerful enemies. Likewise to her may be given the 
honour of the glorious conquest of Granada. In that 
long and difficult war against stubborn foes, who fought 
for their life, for their laws, and, as it seemed to them, 
for their God, she showed so much wisdom and courage 
in her own person that few princes have ever equalled 
her." He grows eloquent over the greatness and the 
many virtues of Queen Isabel, pointing out her marvel- 
lous gift in the choice of her ministers and generals, of 

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whom the most famous, the great Captain Gonsalvo de 
Cordova, by his splendid victories and great deeds, will 
ever be remembered as her choice and share in her im- 
mortal memory. (During his stay in Spain Castiglione 
must have heard much of the love and reverence with 
which the people remembered their great queen.) 

Returning to Italy, II Magnifico has much praise to 
give to many excellent ladies. ''Not long ago there 
died in Naples the other Queen of Hungary, Beatrice, 
the wife of the mighty and glorious King Mathias 
Corvinus of Hungary, a most gifted lady, and a para- 
gon worthy of her husband. Likewise the Duchess 
Isabel of Aragon, a most worthy sister to Ferdinand 
King of Naples, who like unto gold in the fire, so in the 
tempests of cruel fortune, has shown forth her virtue and 
her courage. If you turn towards Lombardy you will 
still behold the Lady Isabella Marchesa of Mantua, 
whose most excellent virtues cannot have justice done 
to them in the temperate form in which I am compelled 
to speak of them here. I am grieved also that you 
have not all known the Duchess Beatrice of Milan, her 
sister, for had you done so you would never more 
marvel at a woman's talent. And Signora Leonora of 
Aragon, Duchess of Ferrara, the mother of both these 
last-mentioned ladies, was such that the excellence of her 
splendid qualities bore testimony to the world that she 
was not only a worthy king's daughter, but that she 
deserved to be queen over a far greater state than any 
possessed by her ancestors. 

" And I must speak of another, for how many men do 

you know in the world who could endure the bitter 

strokes of fortune with such fortitude as Queen Isabel 

of Naples? Even after the loss of her kingdom, the 

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exile and death of King Federico her husband and two 
of her sons, and the imprisonment of the Duke of 
Calabria her eldest, she yet proves herself a queen, and so 
bears the calamity of miserable poverty that all may cer- 
tify how in her changed fortunes she still remains the 
same. I will not mention to you many other great ladies, 
and other women of low degree . . . who, fearless of 
death, have shown forth the most noble and invincible 
courage, and have been sung by great poets. I could tell 
you of many famous in letters, in music, in painting, 
and in sculpture . . . and if at the present day we 
find not in the world those great queens who went forth 
to conquer far countries and raise mighty buildings, 
pyramids, and cities, like Thomiris Queen of Scythia, 
Artemesia, Zenobia, Semiramis, or Cleopatra, neither 
have we men like Ccesar, Alexander, Scipio, Lucullus 
and others." 

Messer Niccolo Frisio disputed this statement, and 
maintained that there were not wanting at the present 
time women with the love of pleasure and the evil 
qualities of a Cleopatra or a Semiramis. 

II Magnifico rebuked him for this remark, and de- 
clared that if such women might possibly be found, 
there were many more men at the present day who 
would rival Sardanapalus. 

A long and curious discussion follows after this, 
concerning the comparative temptation of men and 
women, their virtues and their failings, which gives 
a vivid insight into public opinion on such matters in 
the days of the Renaissance. It is the more interesting 
and unbiassed as being written by a noble of such 
high reputation himself as Count Baldassare Cas- 
tiglione, the Perfect Courtier, the knight sans peur et 
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sans reproche, of high unblemished fame, even in 
that scandal-loving age. We have already seen how 
low the standard of morality was for great princes, 
when their illegitimate children were treated in almost 
every respect like those born in lawful wedlock. The 
daughters were openly acknowledged, well dowered, 
and married into noble families ; the sons had every 
distinguished career open to them, and if specially 
vigorous and talented, had an excellent chance of 
superseding the lawful heir to his father's State. In- 
stances of this are too numerous to quote, and not 
least so in the houses of Montefeltro, Este, and Gon- 
zaga. With regard to the ladies, they have most 
eager and eloquent advocates in the Signor Giuliano 
dei Medici and Cesare Gonzaga, who ransack the 
history of the world for striking examples of womanly 
heroism and devotion, and especially of those who 
have gladly chosen death rather than dishonour. 
But we cannot help thinking that at the present day 
all these protestations and illustrations would be con- 
sidered unnecessary, although we must not forget that 
it is not so long ago, since it was thought well to 
declare in the epitaph of a "dear dead lady" that she 
was mrtuous. Probably there is more change in custom 
and language than in manners, and the beautiful, 
accomplished ladies of the Italian Renaissance were 
quite as estimable in every way as their representa- 
tives to-day. 

Towards the end of the debate. Count Caspar Pal- 
lavicino remarked that the ladies had great cause to 
thank him, as without his opposition they would not 
have received such high praise. 

Then said M. Cesare Gonzaga: **It was scarcely 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

needful on our part, as who does not know that without 
women we should have no content or delight in this 
life of ours, which without them would be rude indeed 
and without all sweetness? They quicken our minds 
in the understanding of great matters, and in time of 
war they make men fearless and of good courage. . . . 
Thus in the great battles against the Moors, Queen 
Isabel of Spain constantly took her ladies with her into 
the camp, and valiant men were encouraged to noble 
deeds by the desire to distinguish themselves before 
the ladies of their choice, 

''Do you not see that all gracious exercises which 
delight the world have their origin in the desire to 
please women ? Otherwise, who would learn to dance, 
or dwell upon sweet music ? Who would write poetry, 
at least in our mother tongue, if it were not to express 
love for women? Think how many noble poems we 
should have lost, both in Latin and Greek, if women 
had been held in small estimation by poets. What a loss 
it would have been if M. Francesco Petrarca had not 
written about his love so divinely in our language, only 
moved thereto by Madonna Laura ! I do not name to 
you all the other poets of this time who take their in- 
spiration from women. ..." (As Castiglione himself 
in his Tirsi^ where he praises the Duchess of Urbino.) 

II Magnifico was asked to say more, but he professed 
himself so thoroughly satisfied with the lady he had 
pictured, that if the other gentlemen were not satisfied, 
he only asked to keep her for himself. 

There was some talk as to how a lady should know 

a true lover, and the last speaker suggests that she 

should take him to the " Isola Ferma." (In old 

romances, such as Amadis de Gaul, this is an en- 

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chanted island, with an arch at the entrance of the 
gardens, and the statue of a man blowing a trumpet. 
The unfaithful lover was received by dreadful sounds 
mingled with fire and smoke, while the true lover was 
welcomed by the sweetest music.) On the subject of 
love there was much discussion, in which most of the 
company had something to say. The Lady Emilia 
held that the law of love was that the man should set 
all his desires to please the beloved woman, and 
should desire that which she desired. He should both 
sincerely love and also be himself worthy of love ; he 
should make his own wishes and his very soul obedient 
to that of his lady, and reckon this his chief joy and 
happiness, for thus do those who truly love. 

II Magnifico thought that the Courtier should reveal 
his love to the lady more by signs and tokens than by 
words, as greater affection could thus be shown than 
by a thousand words. . . . The eyes are the trusty 
messengers who carry the embassy of the heart, for 
they often declare with more force the inward pas- 
sion than the tongue, or letters, or messages ; and not 
only disclose the thoughts, but often kindle love in 
the heart of the person beloved. There was much to 
say on this subject, until at length the Duchess thought 
it was growing late, and remarked : " If we tarry until 
to-morrow we shall have more time, and the praise 
and blame which some of you say are given in excess 
to women, will have passed out of the minds of these 
lords, so that they will be more capable of appreciating 
the truth which they will hear." Thus spoke the 
Signora Duchessa, and, rising to her feet, she cour- 
teously dismissed all the company and retired to her 
private chamber, each man departing to his rest. 
264 



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Han/staengl, Photo 



BERNARDO DOVISI OF BIBBIENA 



Raphael 
To face p. 26 + 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 



Book IV 

In commemoration of departed friends — Concerning the 
Perfect Courtier in relation to his Prince — The 
ideal government — The duties of princes — The 
Courtier considered as a lover — The Platonism of 
the Renaissance with regard to Heavenly Beauty 
and Heavenly Love — A rapturous invocation — The 
dawn of day. 

When Count Baldassare Castiglione had satisfied 
himself with regard to the Fourth Book of his Cor- 
tegiano, and left it in its final shape, he says that the 
names of the speakers called to his remembrance our 
human misery and deceitful hopes. With him friend- 
ship was almost a religion, and he breaks torth into 
loving commemoration of three most rare gentlemen, 
who were cut off in the flower of their age and the 
height of their honour by cruel death. First the Signor 
Caspar Pallavicino, whose life was ended long before 
he came to ripe age (in 151 1, at the age of twenty-five). 
He was a great loss, not only to his friends and kins- 
men, but to his country and to all Lombardy. Not 
long after died Messer Cesare Gonzaga, the close and 
devoted friend of Castiglione, to the bitter and sorrow- 
ful disappointment of all who hoped for him the most 
splendid career. The third was M. Roberto da Bari, 
another of those noble knights who would have made 
the Court of Urbino still more famous. 

Of other great men who took part in the colloquies, 
M. Federico Fregoso was made Archbishop of Salerno ; 
Signor Lodovico Canossa, Bishop of Bayeux (1520); 
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M. Ottaviano Fregoso, Doge of Genoa (15 13); M. 
Bernardo Bibbiena, Cardinal of Santa Maria in Por- 
tico (15 13); M. Pietro Bern bo Secretary to Pope Leo X; 
II Magnifico Giuliano dei Medici had become Duke of 
Nemours ; and Signor Francesco Maria Rovere, Prefect 
of Rome, and also Duke of Urbino, in succession to 
his uncle, Duke Guidobaldo. . . . 

Let us now return to our reasoning concerning the 
Courtier. All the noble qualities, the virtues and the 
graces which he should possess, have been defined on 
the previous nights and illustrated from ancient and 
modern history, and we rise now to the supreme climax 
when the various members of the company set them- 
selves to discover the chief end of a Courtier. Signor 
Ottaviano holds this to be the true service of his 
Prince, whose favour and affection he must gain by 
means of all the noble qualities and excellent gifts 
which have been enumerated. With this favour, the 
Courtier must take courage to oppose his Lord in evil 
doings and lead him, as it were, unconsciously towards 
all virtue and goodness. . . . But above everything he 
must avoid flattery, which is the ruin of a Prince, lead- 
ing him to pride and self-indulgence. By a quaint 
simile, such a great man is compared to one of those 
stuffed images (colossi) made in Rome at the carnival, 
in the Piazza Navona, outwardly most gorgeously 
apparelled, but inwardly full of tow and rags. 

We are also told that ignorance in music, in dancing, 
or in riding is a small matter, as a man is soon made 
aware of it, but from the ignorance of a Prince in 
governing, endless evils follow — death and destruction 
— so that it is the deadliest plague on earth. Yet some 
most incapable rulers are not ashamed to display their 
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OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

grievous mistakes before the face of the whole world, 
blinded as they are by the flatterers who surround them. 
What punishment do not these evil counsellors de- 
serve ! 

Then follows a discussion as to whether the virtues 
needed by the Perfect Courtier could be learnt, or 
whether they were inherent in some men. Upon this 
M. Caspar tells the fable of Epimetheus (taken from 
the Protagoras of Plato), who was so unwise in dis- 
tributing the gifts of nature that he left man more bare 
and defenceless than any other living creature. Upon 
this, Prometheus stole artificial wisdom, fire, and such 
like from Minerva and Vulcan, that man might have 
means to live ; but there was no principle of govern- 
ment, no mutual help or fellowship, until Jupiter took 
pity on him and sent Mercury to distribute justice and 
reverence, not to a chosen few, but to all alike. And a 
law was made that a man who "showed no justice or 
reverence should be put to death as a plague to the 
State." As punishment is thus not for retaliation, but 
to prevent future wrong, Protagoras asserts that this is 
a proof that certain virtues can be acquired ''from 
study, exercise, and teaching." This matter is argued 
at length in the Court of Urbino. 

Then Signor Ottaviano returns to the Perfect Cour- 
tier, who will encourage in his Prince the growth of 
true manliness, justice, courage, and wisdom, also 
generosity and modesty, pleasantness, courtesy and 
tact in conversation, and other virtues. Thus shall 
spring up in the mind of the Prince such delicious 
flowers and fruits as the most beautiful gardens in the 
world possess not, and the Courtier shall rejoice that 
he has not bestowed upon his lord gold or silver, 
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precious vessels or rich garments . . . but that highest 
and rarest virtue, the gift of reigning aright ; which 
alone is enough to make men happy, and to bring back 
to the world the Golden Age. 

Next follows a very favourite subject of argument in 
olden time as in the days of the Renaissance : which is 
the happiest government and likeliest to bring again 
that Golden Age — the rule of a good Prince or that of a 
wise Commonwealth? The various speakers have taken 
their impressions from the Republic of Plato, from the 
works of Aristotle, from Beroaldo in his De Optimo 
Statu et de Principe^ and many other writers. 

Signor Ottaviano chooses the rule of a good Prince, 
who is, he says, an image of God upon earth, showing 
his people the clear light of his justice, with some dim 
shadow of heavenly reasoning and understanding. 
The greatest proof of his goodness is the goodness of 
his people, for the life of the Prince is a law and 
example unto his people. He will have no need to 
guard himself as tyrants do, for his life will be free 
and safe, and as dear to his subjects as their own. His 
will be a gentle rule, not that of a master over his 
slaves, but of a good father over his loving children. 
. . . The Prince should have two Councils of wise men 
to advise him, chosen one from the Nobles and another 
from the Commons, or men of lower degree, and this 
form of government will thus combine the advantages 
of a Kingdom and a Commonwealth. So great shall 
be his love of his country that he will be just and equal 
in bestowing honour and promotion to those only who 
deserve it. A truly great government is that under 
which the subjects are fortunate in mind, in body, and 
in fortune, well ruled and commanded. I would also 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

have my Prince liberal and splendid, giving freely to 
all men, for, as is said, God is the Treasurer of gene- 
rous princes. He should entertain his people with 
magnificent banquets, feasts, games, and public spec- 
tacles ; he should have a great number of excellent 
horses both for use in war and for pleasure in peace ; 
also hawks and hounds, with all other things for the 
pleasure of great nobles and of the people. 

Thus in our days have we seen the Signor Francesco 
Gonzaga, Marchese of Mantua, so that he seemed 
rather king of all Italy than lord of one city. The 
Prince should also raise great buildings, both for his 
honour in life and to leave his memory to posterity, as 
the Duke Federico did with this noble palace, and 
Pope Julius is now doing in the Temple of St. Peter, 
and the way which goes from the Palace to the Belve- 
dere, and many other buildings. See also the works of 
the ancient Romans, of which so many splendid ruins 
are seen about Rome, Naples, Pozzuoli, Baia, Civita 
Vecchia, Porto, and outside Italy in so many places, 
which bear witness to their greatness. . . . When 
Signor Ottaviano had made an end of speaking about 
the goodness and greatness of his Prince, Niccolo 
Frisio rejoined that he feared a Prince with all those 
noble qualities would be as rare as the Commonwealth 
of Plato, and that we shall never see such a one, unless 
it be perchance in Heaven. 

With regard to the still more Perfect Courtier, who 
has guided his Prince to this excellence, another 
question has arisen, as to whether his various good 
qualities are quite compatible with each other. He is 
to have all the arts and graces which will make him an 
acceptable lover, and yet at the same time he is to have 
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all that knowledge and experience which can only come 
with years. Are we therefore to conclude that the 
Perfect Courtier must be advanced in life ? Then surely 
as a lover he will be scorned by the ladies and mocked 
by the young men. 

It is at this point that Messer Pietro Bembo first 
gently alludes to that love which is sweet without any 
bitterness, which is suitable to all, and which brings 
with it only great praise and happiness. The Duchess 
at once understands the high and noble theme which he 
has in mind, and both she and the Lady Emilia Pia 
are all impatience to hear him. His reply that "he 
must first ask counsel from the hermit of his Lavinello," 
alludes to a character in his Asolani (so called from 
Asolo, where his friend Catarina Cornaro, Queen of 
Cyprus, held her Court for so many years of stately 
exile). This hermit initiates Lavinello into the 
mysteries of the True and Eternal Love, of which all 
earthly love is but a dim reflection. It was because 
Bembo had already so deeply studied the subject of high 
Platonic Love — not only in the Symposium^ but also 
transformed into Christian mysticism by Marsilio 
Ficino and others — that he is selected in the Cortegiano 
as the high-priest of Renaissance Platonism. 

Then, as Messer Pietro Bembo paused for a brief 
space to marshal his thoughts for this supreme effort, 
we, meanwhile, may have leisure to notice the con- 
necting link whereby the coming peroration is joined 
on to all that has gone before. 

We have traced throughout the pages of the Corte- 
giano the gradual fashioning of the Perfect Courtier ; 
we have seen him chosen from a noble race, schooled in 
all learning, art, and science, and adorned with every 
270 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

knightly accomplishment. Trained alike for camp and 
court, for warfare and for love, he is held up to 
admiration on every side of his character, until we can 
but gaze upon him as 

A creature y«r too bright and good 
For human nature's daily food. 

What remains for one so far raised above his peers 
but to dwell upon his own perfection, and so be tempted 
like Narcissus to fade away in futile self-admiration ? 
It has been wisely said that for this Courtier was needed 
some whole-hearted passionate devotion which would 
carry him out of himself, for "it is not good for a man 
to sit brooding on his own character, or to play the 
fancier to his own virtues. Nothing great was ever 
accomplished by one whose ruling passion was self- 
improvement, who busied himself chiefly about the 
cultivation of his own mind or the condition of his own 
soul."i 

In those days of the Renaissance, what could occur 
to a scholar like Castiglione, the humble disciple of 
Marsilio Ficino, greatest of Christian Platonists, 
more suited for the salvation of his too perfect Courtier 
than the mystic worship of Divine Love and Beauty? 
Indeed, we see now in what manner the whole book 
has been leading up to this supreme close ; the glowing 
confession of faith from one to whom the transcendental 
mysticism of Plato's Dialogues had become so steeped 
in Christian philosophy as to be a religion in itself. 
Throughout this oration of Bembo we can trace at 
every point the source- of his inspiration, but to enter 
fully into this would need "a whole volume on Platonic 

1 Walter Raleigh. 
271 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

philosophy. He is deeply indebted to the commen- 
taries on the Symposium and the Phcedrus of Plato, in 
which Marsilio Ficino sought for bonds of union 
between Pagan civilisation and the Faith of Christ, 
amongst other enthusiasts, in the Medicean garden of 
the Villa di Careggi. 

Messer Pietro treats of that Love which is more than 
the desire of beauty, being the instinct of immortality 
in a mortal creature. Knowledge must come before 
desire, and our soul has three ways of knowing : by 
sense which is common to us with the animal world, by 
reason which gives choice proper to man, and by under- 
standing which brings man into communion with the 
angels . . . Then we have an eloquent dissertation on 
the nature of beauty, which is so excellent in itself that 
the true love of it is most good and holy . . . This 
was a subject of discussion amongst the company, but 
Messer Pietro repeated his assertion. " Signori, I 
should not wish that by speaking ill of beauty, which is 
a holy thing, any of us should incur the wrath of God 
as profane and wicked. I say that from God it cometh 
and is like unto a circle of which goodness is the centre. 
Very seldom does an evil soul dwell in a beautiful body, 
and therefore is outward beauty a sign of the inward 
beauty of the soul, as the beauty of the buds shows 
forth the coming goodness of the fruit. See how 
clearly too in the face of a lion, a horse, and an eagle 
we discern anger, fierceness, and pride ; in lambs and 
doves, simplicity and innocence ; craftiness in foxes and 
wolves, and so in other creatures. 

''And if you will consider these things, you will see 
that all that is good and useful has ever the grace of 
beauty. Look upon this mighty world which God has 
272 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

made . . . the round heaven (thus spoken of by Plato 
and Cicero), adorned with so many divine lights, and 
the earth in the centre sustained by its own weight, the 
sun which, in turning about, illumines the whole . . . 
the moon that takes her light from him . . . and the 
other five stars [the planets known then]. . . . These 
are all so wonderful and so beautiful, that all men's 
wisdom cannot imagine anything more perfect. Think, 
too, of the figure of man, which may be called a little 
world ... so beautiful in every part ; also the feathers 
of birds and the leaves and boughs of trees. ..." 
He then turns from the beauties of nature, the comely 
and holy beauty of heaven and earth and sea, of woods 
and rivers and flowers ... to all the beauties of art. 
Thus Beauty is the true monument of the soul's victory, 
as with heavenly influence she rules material things. . . . 

In the argument which followed, Bembo admitted 
that what some might call beauty in a face, was all 
unworthy of so honourable and noble a name ; a fair 
soul must shine through from within to lighten up 
perfect beauty. 

Messer Pietro was silent, and needed the persuasion 
of the Duchess and others to rise to his impassioned 
praise of heavenly love, ''the inspirer of all heroism, 
the source of happiness in life and death." ''Too un- 
fortunate were our human nature if the soul were 
nourished alone by the pleasures of sense, and not her 
own nobler part of reason. And because I know my- 
self unworthy to speak of the most holy mysteries of 
Love, I beseech him to guide my thoughts and tongue, 
that heavenly spirit to whom from childhood all my life 
has been dedicated. . . ." He then continues to un- 
fold the mysteries of the Platonic mysticism, almost in 
T 273 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

the words of Socrates in the Symposium^ showing that 
he who has the instinct of true love, and can discern 
the relations of true beauty in every form, will rise 
from height to height until to him is revealed the 
vision splendid of wondrous Beauty, in no human like- 
ness, but absolute, simple, clear, and everlasting, not 
clouded with the stain of mortality or the changes and 
vanities of human life. '' In this will the soul take so 
great a delight as to be overcome with the wonder and 
the joy of it, and, filled with holy reverence, will believe 
herself to be in Paradise. ..." 

It has been pointed out^ that Spenser in his ** Hymn 
of Heavenly Beautie," has given us this solemn in- 
vocation in poetic form, which may perhaps be easier to 
follow : 

Vouchsafe then, O thou most Almightie Spright ! 
From whom all guifts of wit and knowledge flow, 
To shed into my breast some sparkling light 
Of thine eternall Truth, that I may show 
Some litle beames to mortall eyes below 
Of that immortall beautie, there with thee 
Which in my weake distraughted mynd I see ; 

That with the glorie of so goodlie sight 

The hearts of men which fondly here admyre 

Faire seeming shewes, and feed on vaine delight, 

Transported with celestiall desyre 

Of those faire formes, may lift themselves up hyer, 

And learne to love, with zealous humble dewty, 

Th' eternall fountaine of that heavenly beauty. 

" When our Courtier shall have reached this point, 
I would not have him rest content, but with a brave 
heart follow after his guide the sublime way which will 
lead him to the summit of true happiness. . . . Thus 
shall he behold that beauty which can be seen alone by 

1 By Walter Raleigh. 
274 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

the eyes of the mind, becoming ever more vivid as 
those of the body wax dim. Therefore the soul, free 
from all vice, purified by the study of true philosophy, 
turns towards the spiritual life, and full of holy know- 
ledge will, as it were, awake out of a deep sleep, open 
her eyes, and behold within herself a shining ray of 
that light which is the true image of angelic beauty. 
. . . Ravished with the splendour of that light, the 
soul will burn with eager desire, until in divine ecstasy 
she findeth the footsteps of God, in the contemplation 
of whom, as to her most blessed end, she seeketh her 
rest. And burning in this holy flame, the soul will rise 
to her noblest self ; no longer overshadowed with the 
dark night of earthly things, she will behold indeed 
the Heavenly Beauty . . . and being changed into 
the nature of an angel, will understand all things that 
may be understood, and without any veil or cloud, will 
behold the vast sea of pure Heavenly Beauty, and 
receive it into herself, and enjoy that supreme felicity 
which may not be understood by the senses. . . . 

*' As fire tries gold and refines it, so this most holy 
fire in the soul destroys and consumes all that is mortal, 
and revives and makes beautiful the celestial part. 
Such was the fire in which Hercules was burnt on 
Mount CEta, and after death became holy and im- 
mortal ; this is the burning bush of Moses, the fiery 
chariot of Elijah, the divided tongues of fire at 
Pentecost ; and how marvellous is that manifold grace 
and happiness in the souls of those who are worthy to 
behold it, when they forsake this low earth and flee 
upward to heaven. Let us, therefore, turn all our 
thoughts to this most holy light, pointing out the 
heavenward way to us ; and putting aside all earthly 
275 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

affections in which we were clothed, let us ascend those 
stairs, on whose lowest step rests the shadow of sensual 
beauty, until we attain unto that sublime height where 
true and Heavenly Beauty dwells, hid in the innermost 
secret treasure of God, lest unhallowed eyes may see it. 
There shall we find a most blessed end for all our 
desires, true repose after weary toil, a certain remedy 
for all sorrows, a healing from our infirmities, and a 
most sure haven after the troublesome storms of the 
tempestuous sea of this life. 

''Oh, thou most holy Love, what mortal tongue can 
praise thee aright? Thou most beautiful, most excel- 
lent, most wise, springing from Divine beauty, 
goodness, and wisdom, wherein thou dost abide. 
. . . Thou sweetest bond of unity, bringing discords 
into harmony, changing foes into friends, giving fruit 
to the earth, calm to the sea, and to heaven its light of 
life. Therefore vouchsafe, O Lord, to hearken to our 
prayers ; instil Thyself into our hearts, and with the 
brightness of Thy most holy fire lighten our darkness, 
and as a faithful Guide in this blind labyrinth show us 
the true way, and after long vain wandering . . . make 
us to hear that celestial harmony so entrancing that 
there shall never more be any discord of passion within 
us. . . . Purge our eyes from misty ignorance with the 
shining rays of Thy light . . . accept our souls which 
we offer unto Thee for a sacrifice ; consume them in 
the living flame that after they are severed in all things 
from the body, that with everlasting and most sweet 
bonds they may be united to the Heavenly Beauty. 
Thus drawn out of ourselves, and as true lovers, 
transformed into the beloved, may we be raised from 
the earth and admitted to the feast of angels. To us 
276 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

death will be most happy and welcome as to the 
patriarchs of old, whose souls in the most ardent con- 
templation were rapt from the body and joined unto 
God." 

As Messer Pietro Bembo came to an end of his lofty 
mystical exposition of Heavenly Love and Heavenly 
Beauty, he remained silent and motionless, as though 
ravished out of himself, in the midst of the company 
who still seemed to hear the echoes of those solemn 
unearthly harmonies. Then the Lady Emilia touched 
the fold of his robe, and said : "Take heed, Messer 
Pietro, lest these thoughts draw away your soul to 
forsake your body." " Signora," he replied, **it would 
not have been the first miracle that love hath wrought 
in me." 

The spell was broken by Signor Gaspar Pallavicino, 
who, even at this high-pitched moment, played his 
usual part of advocate against women. He remarks 
that the way which leadeth to this bliss is steep and 
difficult for men, but impossible for women. He has not 
read that they ever attained unto this grace, although 
many men have thus risen, such as Plato, Socrates, 
Plotinus, and others, and a number of the holy fathers, 
such as Saint Francis. Only the mighty power of this 
Love could raise up Saint Paul the Apostle to the 
vision of that secret glory, of which it is not lawful 
for man to speak ; nor reveal to Saint Stephen the 
heavens open before his ecstatic gaze. 

Then replied II Magnifico Giuliano : "Nay, in this 
matter women are not surpassed by men, for Socrates 
himself confesses that all the art and mysteries of love 
were taught to him by a woman — the sacred prophetess 
Diotima. And the angel, who with the fire of love 
277 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

<$ 

imprinted upon Saint Francis the most holy seal of the 
five wounds [the stigmata], has also found some 
women in our own age worthy of the same seal. 
[Catherine of Siena, and others.] Remember that to 
Mary Magdalene were many sins forgiven because she 
loved much, and the same heavenly grace working 
in her as in Saint Paul, was she many times through 
angelic love raised up to the third heaven. Think, too, 
of those many other women, on whom I dwelt more 
fully yesterday, who, in passionate love for the name of 
Christ, have not cared for their lives, and feared no 
torments nor any kind of death, however terrible and 
cruel it might be." 

Signor Caspar would have replied, but the Duchess 
interposed : ''Messer Pietro Bembo shall be the judge 
of this, whether women are not as meet for heavenly 
love as men. But this we will defer until the morrow." 

**Not so, but until this evening," exclaimed Signor 
Cesare Gonzaga. 

''But how can it be this evening?" asked the Duchess 
Elisabetta. 

Signor Cesare replied : *' Because it is already day" ; 
and he showed her the light, which already began to 
steal in through the windows. 

So absorbed had been the listeners in the unearthly 
music of those divine harmonies, that the company had 
taken no note of time and the passing of the hours. 
The entrancing discourse had driven away all heavi- 
ness of sleep, and the noble lords and ladies rose 
wondering to their feet, as the windows were thrown 
open. From that eastern side of the Palace which 
looks out towards the lofty crest of Mount Catria, they 
found the Orient aglow with rosy dawn, and the stars 
278 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

faded away save only Venus, the sweet ruler of the 
heaven, who keepeth the bounds of day and night. 
From thence came a soft breeze, which filled the air 
with keen freshness and awoke the sweet song of birds 
amid the murmuring woods of the hillside. 

Whereupon they took leave with all reverence of the 
Signora Duchessa, and departed to their chambers 
without torches, the light of day sufficing. It is with 
somewhat of the same feeling that after this high 
Platonic vision we, too, return to the common light of 
day, and take leave of that 

, . . Divine Philosophy, 
Not harsh and rugged as dull fools suppose, 
But musical as is Apollo's lute. — Milton. 



279 



BOOKS CONSULTED 

D'Arco, C. *' Notizie di Isabella d'Estense Gonzaga." Arch. 

Sior. Italiano. Vol. II. Florence. 1845. 
Ariosto, Lodovico. Orlando Furioso. M. Francesco da 

Valenza, Ferrara. Aprile, 15 16. 
Armstrong, Edward. The Emperor Charles V. 2 vols. 

London. 1902. 
Baschet, Armand. "Archives de Mantoue." Gazette des 

Beaux Arts. 1866. 
Bertoletti, A. / Commune di Mantova. 1894. 
Bettinelli, Abate. Le Belle Lettere e le Arte Mantovam. 1774. 
Biagi, Guido. Italian Life. 1892. 
Bufardeci, Curcis. Baldassare Castiglione. 1900. 
Burckhardt, J. Der Cutter der Renaissance in Italien. 

Basel, i860. 
Burigozzo, G. M. Chronica di Milano. 1842. 
Campori, G. Notizie da Raffaelle and Giovanni Santi. 

Modena. 1870. 

Notizie inedite di Raff aello da Urhino. Modena. 1863. 

Canello, U. Storia delta Litteratura Italiana nel Secolo XVI. 

Milan. 1881. 
Cart Wright, Julia. Isabella d'Este. 1903. 
Castiglione, Baldassare, // Cortegiano : Annotate e illustrate 

da Vittorio Cian. Firenze. 1894. 
The Book of the Courtier. Tudor Translation of Sir 

Thomas Hoby. Introduction by Walter Raleigh. 1900. 
Lettere Famigliari. Da MSS. Originali della Libreria 

Valenti. Con Annotazioni dall' Abate Serassi. Padova. 

1766. 

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Castig-Hone, Baldassare, Lettere di Negozi. da' Reg-istri 
Originali della Libreria Valenti. Annot. dall' Abate 
Serassi. Padova. 1769. 

Lettere Diplomatiche. Ed. Contini. Padova. 1875. 

Cian, Vittorio. Pietro Bembo. Torino. 1887. 

Un decennio della vita di M. Pietro Bembo. Florence. 

1885. 

Codd^. Vita di Castiglione. Mantova. 1780. 

Creighton, Dr. History of the Papacy. 1897. 

Crowe and Cavalcaselle. Life and Works of Raphael. 

Davari, Stefano. II Palazzo di Mantova. 1895. 

Dennistoun. Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino. 3 vols. 1851. 

Flamini, F. // Cinquecento. Milan. 1902. 

Gardner, E. G. Dukes and Poets in Ferrara. Westminster. 
1904. 

The King of Court Poets. Westminster. 1906. 

Ghinzoni, P. Spedizione Sforzesca in Francia. Milano. 1890. 

Giovio, Paolo, La Vita di Alfonso d'Este. Venice. 1597. 

Le vite di diecinove hom,ini illustri. Venice. 1561. 

Guicciardini, F. Storia d'ltalia. Ed. Rosini. 10 vols. 
Florence. 1867. 

Hoby, Sir Thomas. Travels and Life. 1902. 

Janitschek, H. Die Gesell. der Renaissance in Italien. Stutt- 
gart. 1869. 

Klaczko, J. Rome et la Renaissance : Jules II. Paris. 1898. 

Litta, Pompeo. Famiglie Celebri Italiane. Vol. III. Milan. 
1819. 

Luzio, A., and Renier, R. Mantova e Urbino. Turin. 1893. 

Luzio, A. Isabella d' Este e la Corte Sforzesca. Milano. 1901. 

Luzio, A. , and Renier, R. Gara di Viaggio fra due celebri 
dame deV Rinascimento. Alessandria. 1890. 

Machiavelli, N. // Principe. 

Marliani, Bernardo. Vita del Castiglione. Padova. 1733. 

Marsilio, Ficino. Lo Amx)re ov. Convito di Platone. Firenze. 
1544. 

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Martinati, Camillo. Baldassare Castiglione (con Document! 

inediti). Firenze. 1890. 
Muntz, E. La Renaissance en Italie. Paris. 1885. 
Muratori, L. A. Delle Antichita Estensi ed Italiane. 2 vols. 

Florence. 1740. 
Negrini, BefFa. Elogia Famiglia Castiglione. Mantova. 

1606. 
NItti, F. S. Leone X e la sua politica. Florence. 1888, 
P^Iissier, Louis. Louis XII et Ludovic Sforza. Paris. 1896. 
Symonds, J. A. The Renaissance in Italy. London. 1901. 
Tiraboschi, G. Storia delta Litteratura Italiana. Milan. 

1824. 
Villari, P. Niccolo Machiavelli e i suoi Tempi. 3 vols. 

Milano, 1897. 
Yriate, C. Cdsar Borgia^ sa vie, sa captivit^y et sa mort. 

Paris. 1887. 
Autour des Borgias. Paris. 1891. 



282 



INDEX 



ACCOLTI, Bernardo (L'Unico Aretino), 6i, 99, 100, 106, 191, 206, 209, 

213, 226, 236, 237, 238 
Achilles, 218, 219 

Adrian VI, Pope, 132, 133, 134, 138, 142, 145, 147, 148 
Adriatic, 75 

Agnadello, Battle of, 78 
Agnello, Antonio, 235 
Alcibiades, 217 
Alessandria, 197 
Alexander the Great, 217, 218, 221 

„ VI, Pope, 20, 30, 34, 35, 37, 38, 39, 235, 236 

Alidosi, Francesco, Cardinal of Pavia, 79, 83, 87, 88, 109 
Amalasunta, Queen of the Goths, 258 
Ambrogio, of Pisa, 10 1 
Anne de Bretagne, 259 
Antiquario, Jacopo, 18 
Antipanes, 238 
Apelles, 215, 221 
Aquilano, Serafino, 19 
Aragon, Alfonso I of, 242, 245 

„ Isabella of, 260 
Archimedes, 102 

Aretino, Pietro, 105, 142, 143, 172 
Arezzo, Paolo d', 170 
Ariosto, Alfonso, 191, 248 

„ Lodovico, 60, 104, 135, 178, 191, 198, 200 
Aristotle, 19, 102, 217, 218, 268 
Arno, 17s 

Aro, Alessandro d', 197 
Artemesia, 261 
Ascanio, Cardinal. See Gonzaga 

283 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

Ascham, Roger, 201, 204 
Asolo, 270 
Asti, 23, 25, 26 
Athens, 235, 257 
Austria, 170 

„ Marguerite of, 99, 259 
Avila, 192 

Baglioni, of Perugia, 56, 128, 135 

Baia, 269 

Bandello, Matteo, 115 

Barbary, 257 

Barcelona, 156, 183 

Bari, Roberta da, 84, 207, 265 

Bavaria, Margaret of, 8 

Bayard, 84 

Beaujeu, Anne de, 24, 31, 160 

Bellini, Giovanni, 146 

Belvedere, 124, 144, 269 

Bembo, Pietro, 60, 99, loi, 105, 164, 188, 189, 196, 198, 206, 210, 218, 

231, 232, 236, 266, 270, 272-278 
Benedetto, 115 
Bentivoglio family, of Bologna, 65, 87 

„ Laura, 112, 113 

Bergamo, 246 

Beroaldo, Filippo, 88, 99, loi, 268 
Bertinoro, 43 
Bibbiena, Bernardo Dovisi of, 60, y2>i 99) 101, 105, 106, 108, 122, 150, 

198, 206, 212, 213, 233, 234, 235, 242, 246, 266 
Bicocca, 136 
Boccaccio, 202, 215, 247 
Boiardo, Alda, 67 

Bologna, 65, 80, 83, 87, 93, 94, 173, 186 
Bolsena, 106 
Bonaventura, 17 
Bondino, 84 
Bonner, 201 
Bonnivet, Admiral, 147 
Borgia, Alexander. See Alexander, Pope 
Borgia, Caesare, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 43, 47 
Borgia, Lucrezia, 35, 50, 94, 116 

284 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Boristhenes, River, 238 

Borromeo, Gilberto, 31 

Boschetti, Isabella, 134, 146 

Boschetto, Jacomo, brother-in-law of B. Castiglione, 32, 44, 51, 63, 

82 
Bourbon, Duke Charles of, 31, 32, 66, 160, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 

177, 179,182,185 
Bourbon, Susanne de, 66, 160 
Bozzolo, 3 

Braithwaite, Richard, 202 
Bramante, 124 
Brandenburg, Barbara of, 8 
Brescia, 67, T},> ^72 
Brisighella, 76, 78 
Brognina, 107 
Brutus, 217 

Burgos, 182, 184, 186, 190 
Burgundy, 160 
Burton, 202 

CiESAR, Roman Emperor, 217 

Cagli, 66 

Caia Cecilia, wife of T. Priscus, 255 

Calcondila, Demetrius, 17 

Calmeta, Collo Vincenza, 216, 222, 223, 234 

Cambray, League of, 75 

Camerino, 135 

Camma, 256 

Canossa, Lodovico, 61, 106, 188, 206, 210, 21 r, 212, 223, 251, 258, 265 

Canterbury, 85 

Cardona, Raimondo di, 90, 93 

Carpaccio, 146 

Carpi, 59 

Carrara, 105 

Casa, Giovanni della, 202 

Casalecchio, 87 

Casale-Monferrato, 197 

Casatico, 2, 3, 45, 46, 65, 76, 86, 91, 144, 196 

Cassano, S. Baths of, 55 

Castel-Bolognese, 95 

Castel-novo, 135 

285 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

Castiglione, Aloisia da Antonio Gonzaga, mother of Baldassare, 2, 8, 
12, 43, 44, 45, 46, 54, 56, 63, 65, 73, 79) 84, 86, 88, 89, 
90, 9h 95, 96, 98, 119, 121, 126, 129, 151, 194, 195, 196, 
197 

„ Anna (Suor Laura), sister of Baldassare, 3, 28, 44, 46, 51, 
63, 83, 144 

„ Anna, daughter of Baldassare, 119, 127, 141, 143, 193, 
194, 197 

„ Camillo, son of Baldassare, 114, 115, 119, 126, 143, 193, 
194, 197 

„ Cristoforo, father of Baldassare, 2, 4, 8, 1 1, 25, 26, 31 

„ Francesca, sister of Baldassare, 3, 28, 44, 46, 82, 113, 

143 
„ Ippolita Torelli, wife of Baldassare, 112, 117, 118, 119, 

121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 193 
„ IppoHta, daughter of Baldassare, 121, 122, 143, 193, 194, 

197 
„ Jeronimo, brother of Baldassare, 3, 28, 44, 46, 48, 50, 53, 

54,62 
„ Polissena, sister of Baldassare, 3, 28, 32, 44, 46, 63, 82, 
96, 113, 143 
Cato, 253 

Catria, Monte, 278 
Catullus, 198, 235 
Cavallana, Giovanni da, 6 
Ceres, 257 
Ceri, Renzo da, 175 
Cerignola, Battle of, 37 
Cesana, 43 

Charles V of Spain, Emperor, 105, 116, 133, 149, 151, 153, 154, 156, 
I '57, 159, 160, 161, 168, 169, 170-175, 179, 182, 184, 185, 186, 193, 
195 
Charles VIII of France, 4, 20, 23, 24, 25, 26, 30, 259 
Chigi, Agostino, 103, 120 
Cicero, 6, 19, 202, 273 
Civita Vecchia, 269 

Clement VII, Pope, loi, 132, 148, 149, 150, 151, 154, 155, 157, 159, 
161, 162, 164, 166-175, 177, 178, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 

19s 
Cleopatra, 261 
Cognac, 165, 173 

286 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Colonna family, 167, 178 
Colonna, Ascanio, 135 

„ Fabrizio, 93, 94 

„ Prospero, 135, 136, 184 

„ Vittoria, Marchesa da Pescara, 107, 157, 162, 163, 179, 189, 
190, 191 
Columbus, 15 
Comines, 25, 26, 29 

Cordova, Gonsalvo de, 2i7i 241, 243, 260 
Corinna, 257 

Cornaro, Caterina, Queen of Cyprus, 270 
Cornelia, daughter of Scipio, 255 
Correggio, Niccolo da, 13, 18, 21 

CORTEGIANO, IL, 5, 8, lO, 49, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 65, 99, I08, II3, I37, 

144, 163, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 193, 19s, 197, 200-279 

Corvinus, Mathias, 260 
Cremona, 2, 34, 136, 154 
Crevelli, Lucrezia, 29 
Cromwell, Thomas, 201 
Croton, 221 
Cussago, 22 

Dalmatia, 97 
Dante, 103 
Delia, 107 
Demetrius, 221 
Demosthenes, 6 
Diotima, 257, 277 
Dover, 63 

Edward IV of England, 54 

Eldonore of Portugal, 160, 182 

Emanuel of Portugal, 105 

Emo, the Venetian Providitore, 173 

England, 54, 169, 183 

Ennius, 243 

Epaminondas, 218 

Epimetheus, 267 

Equicola, Mario, 115 

Erasmus, St. (S. Ermo), 243 

Erasmus, 100 

287 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

Este, Alfonso d', Duke of Ferrara, 2, 35, 50, 83, 87, 94, 95, 99, 116, 
119, 128, 133, 135, 142, 146, 173, 191 

„ Beatrice d', Duchess of Milan, 2, 21, 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, 33, 66, 260 

„ Duke Borso d', 225 

„ Ercole d', Duke of Ferrara, 10, 32, 35, 49, 50 

„ Francesco d', 10 

„ Ippolyta d', 46 

„ Ippolito d', Cardinal, 50, 94, 211 

„ Isabella d', Marchesa of Mantua, 2, 8, 10, 12, 13, 33, 34, 
35, 36, 46, 48, 52, 56, 66, 69, 79, 82, 95, 106, 107, 108, III, 113, 
114, 122, 136, 137, 138, 14s, 153, 157, 164, 177, 233, 260 

„ Leonora d'. Duchess of Ferrara, 10, 260 

„ Livia Osanna d', 46 

Faenza, II, 43, 76, 80 

Falcone, II. of Mantua, 50, 55, 113, 198 

Fano, 43, 97 

Farnese, Cardinal, 184 

Febus, di Ceva, 207, 222 

Feltre, Vittorino da, 5, 6 

Ferdinand of Austria, 170 

Ferramosca, Cesare, 170, 174, 175, 183, 185 

Ferrara, 35, 51, 83, 87, 92, 94, 107, 109, 128, 145, 174, 175, 197 

„ Duke Alfonso of. {See Este) 
Fianello, 147 

Ficino, MarsiHo, loi, 102, 270, 271, 272 
Finale, 84 
Fiorenzuola, 172 
Flaminio, 100 
Flanders, 99 

Florence, 96, 147, 236, 237 
Florida, Orazio, 222 
Florio, 201 

Foix, Gaston de, 42, 92 
Forli, II, 34,35, 43,46 
Fornarina, La, 104 
Fornovo, 26, 27, 28 
Fossombrone, 67, 68, 198 
Francis, St., 277, 278 

Francis I of France, 31, 109, 149, 154, 155, 159, 160, 161, 162, 165, 182 
Fregosa, Costanza, 60, 205, 216, 223 
288 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Fregoso, Antonio, i8 

„ Federico, 60, 205, 210, 223, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 

233, 234, 265 
„ Ottaviano, Doge of Genoa, 60, 108, 137, 188, 191, 206, 210, 
266, 267, 269 
Frisio, Niccolo, 207, 253, 255, 257, 260, 269 
Frosinone, 174 
Frundsberg, Prince of Mindelheim, 171, 172, 173, 174, 183 

Gaffuri, Franchino, 19 
Galeotto, Giovantomaso, 240 
Gallerani, Cecilia, 29 
Garda, Lake of, 128, 172 
Garfagnana, 135 
Garigliano, Battle of the, 38 
Garzia, Diego, 241 
Gattinara, Cardinal, 178 
Gazzuolo, Antonio Ippoliti, Conte di, 197 
Genazzaro, Fra Mariano da, 14 
Genoa, 60, 94, 108, 136, 192, 233 
Germany, 167, 171 
Giacomo, Giorgio, 17 
Giberti, Matteo, 154, 178, 179, 182 
Ginestreto, Castello of, 96, 97 
Giorgione, 2 
Giovio, Paolo, loi, 198 

Gonzaga, Cesare (a great friend of Castiglione), 3, 31, 41, 43, 51, 58, 
61, 70, 73, 74, 108, 188, 198, 206, 209, 213, 221, 228, 231, 
238, 251, 262, 265, 278 

„ Cecilia, 6 

„ Chiara, Duchess of Montpensier, 8, 9, 27, 31, 66, 160 

„ Elisabetta, Duchess of Urbino. {See Urbino) 

„ Ercole, Cardinal, 21, 137, 177 

„ Federico, the Elder, 8 

„ Federico, afterwards made Duke of Mantua, 66, 82, iii, 
116, 121, 122, 125, 127, 128, 136, 142, 145, 147, 172, 197 

„ Ferrante, 153, 157, 177, 197 

„ Francesco, Marquis of Mantua, 8, 9, 11, 25, 26, 27, 30-38, 
41. 42, 49^ 52, 56, 65, 79, 81, 112, 116, 269 

„ Giovanni, 8, 30, 34, 72, 112, 113 

„ Leonora, Violante, Maria, Duchess of Mantua. {See Urbino) 
u 289 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

Gonzaga, Lodovico, 7 

„ Maddalena, 8, 1 1 

„ Margherita, 6, 59, 205, 224, 256 

„ Rodolfo, 26 

„ Sigismondo, Cardinal, 8, 15, 50, 62, ^^, 163 
Governolo, 172 
Granada, 170, 182, 259 
Gritti, Andrea, Doge, 146 
Guasto, Marchese di, 175 
Gubbio, 55 
Guicciardini, 23 
Guilpin, 201 

Hale, Sir Matthew, 203 

Hannibal, 217 

Hasdrubal, 255 

Hastings, Lord Henry, 200 

Henry VII of England, 53, 62, 63, 64, 200 

,, VIII, 198 
Hoby, Sir Thomas, 132, 133, 200, 204 
Homer, 6, 103, 217, 218 
Hungary, 168, 169, 170, 182 

„ Anne of, wife of Ferdinand of Austria, 1 70 

„ Beatrice of, 260 

„ Louis, King of, 167, 169, 170 

„ Marie of, sister of Charles V, 170 

IMOLA, 34, 35 

Inghirami, Cardinal Tommaso, 99, 240 

Isabel of Portugal, wife of Charles V, 166 

„ Queen of Spain. {See Spain) 
I sola, Farnese, 176 
Isola Ferma, 263, 264 

Johnson, Dr., 204 

Jonson, Ben, 202 

Julius II, Pope, 37, 40, 42, SI. 52, SI, 54, 56, 57, 61, 65, 66, 71, 76, 

80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 90, 91, 93, 98, 102, 124, 134, 198, 209, 

222, 269 
Jupiter, 267 

290 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Laelius, 232 

Lamone, 76 

Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples, 148, 154, 156, 174, 175, 178, 184, 185 

Lascaris, John, loi 

Lautrec, brother of Gaston de Foix, 136 

Legnano, 79 

Leo X, Pope, 2, 60, 61, ,74, 88, 98, 99, loi, 114, 116, 117, 120, 122, 

1-23, 125, 127, 128, 131, 172, 198, 233 
Leona, 255 
Lescun, de, 158 
Lisbon, 81 
Loches, 34, 67 

Lombardy, 59, 78, 136, 167, 227, 260, 265 
London, 63 

Loredano, Leonardo, Doge of Venice, 113 
Loreto, 89, 97, I53 

Louis XII of France, 25, 30, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 42, 66, 67, 241, 259 
Louise of France, 160 
Lucca, 237, 238 
Lucullus, 217 
Luther, Martin, 2 
Lycurgus, 218 
Lyons, 63, 155 

MacCARIA, Commune of, 2 
Machiavelli, Niccolo, 245 
Madrid, 156, 157, 160, 182 
„ Treaty of, 161, 165 
Magliana, 115, 117, 127 
Malatesta family, 97, 135 
Mantegna, Andrea, 7, 9, 27 
Mantua, 2, 3, 8, 21, 25, 26, 31, 33, 36, 39, 44, 45, 49, 50, 53, 55, 56, 63, 

65, 66, 67, 72, Tj, 80, 84, 91, 95, 96, no, 114, 119, 122, 124, 127, 

143, 144, 149, 153, 163, 188, 196, 198 
Margaret of Bavaria, 8 
Marguerite of Navarre, i6o, 202 
Marino, 94 

Martinengo, Giulio, 67, 73 
Martini, Giovanni, 13 
Mathilde, Countess, 258 
Massa, 84 

291 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

Maximilian, Emperor, 30, 79, 89, 116, 259 
Medici, Catarina dei, 114, 129 

„ Clarice dei, j^i 74 

„ Cosmo dei, 244 

„ Giuliano dei, 60, 73, 99, 106, 109, 150, 188, 206, 214, 219, 222, 
223, 237, 241, 242, 247, 248, 249, 252, 253, 256, 258, 260, 
261, 262, 266 

„ Ippolito dei, Cardinal, 29 

„ Lorenzo dei, 8, 20, 60, 242 

„ Lorenzo dei, son of Piero, in, 116, 129 
Mellini, Celso, 116 
Mendoza, Francesco de, 168 
Mercado, Rodericus Sanchez de, 193 
Mercury, 267 
Metaurus, 68, 97 

Michelangelo, 2, 36, 60, 87, 99, 102, 105, 153, 220 
Miglioretti, Atalante, 14 

Milan, 16, 17, 18, 21, 22, 23, 24, 28, 30, 31, 32, 45, 65, 66, 96, 97, 107, 
128, 13s, 136, 154 

„ Gian Galeazzo, Duke of, 24 
Milton, 201, 279 
Mincio, River, 6, 78 
Minerva, 267 
Mirandola, 84 
Mithridates, 255 

Modena, 75, 80, 83, 117, 142, 178 
Mohkcs, Battle of, 167, 169 
Moncado, Ugo de, 167, 172 
Monferrato, 197 
Monselice, 79 
Montefeltro, 268 

„ Federico di. {See Urbino) 

Montpensier, Gilbert Duke of, 8, 27, 160 
Monza, 136 
Monzoni, 193 
More, Sir Thomas, 200 
Morello, Sigismondo, 61, 206, 216, 226, 227 
M crone, 162 
Muscovy, 237, 238 

Naples, Isabella of, Duchess of Milan, 24 
292 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Naples, Ferdinand of, 260 

„ Federico of, 261 
Napoli, Pietro de, 207, 230 
Narni, 50 
Navagero, 146 

Nemours, Duchy of, 108, 188. 
Nepi, 100. 

Netherlands, 99, 167 
Novara, 28, 34, 136 
Nuvillaria, Castle of, 97, 129, 197 

OCTAVIA, wife of Mark Antony, 255 

QEta, Mountain, 275 

Oglio, River, 3, 173 

Orange, Philibert Prince of, 176, 178 

Orestes, 232 

Orleans, Duke of See Louis XII 

Orvieto, 184 

Ovid, 7 

Pacioli, Fra Luca, 18 
Padua, 79, 146, 234 
Paleologa, Princess Maria, 134 
Pallas, 257 
Pallavicino, Antonio, 33 

„ Caspar, 61, 206, 209, 211, 212, 218, 227, 231, 232, 233, 247, 

249, 253, 25s, 257, 262, 265, 267, 277 
Pantaleone, 129 
Parma, 94, 98, 128, 178 
Pasquino, 131, 142, 143 
Pavia, 21, 136, 147, 154, 157, 161, 162 

„ Battle of, 156, 159, 160 
Peacham, Henry, 202 
Pericles, 257 
Perithous, 232 
Perugia, 135 

Pesaro, 11, 34, 36, 96, 98, 109, no, 129 
Pescara, Marchese di, 93, 107, 136, 137, 157, 162 

„ Marchesa di. {See Vittoria Colonna) 
Petrarch, 198, 215, 218, 263 

293 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

Pia, Emilia, 40, 47, 59, 79, 109, 114, 192, 205, 208, 209, 210, 213, 219, 

223, 229, 234, 23s, 247, 248, 253, 264, 277 
Piacenza, 94, 98, 128, 178 
Pietola, 6> no 
Pigafetti, Antonio, 145 
Pio, Giberto, 59 

„ Lodovico, 61, 207 
Pisa, 236, 257 
Pius III, Pope, 37, 235 
Plague at Rome, 140, 141 

Plato, 19, loi, 102, 218, 252, 267, 268, 269, 271, 273, 277 
Plautus, 21, 61, loi, 106 
Plutarch, 238 

Po, the River, 40, 81, no, 172 
Poland, 170, 237, 238 
Poliziano, Angelo, 14, 18, 48 
Pompey, 217 

Portia, wife of Brutus, 255 
Porto, 269 
Portugal, 166, 169 
Pozzuoli, 27, 160, 269 
Prato, 237 

Pr^s Josquin de, Musician, 233 
Propertius, 19 
Protogenes, 215, 221, 267 
Pylades, 232 
Pygmalion, 249 
Pythagoras, 102 



Rabelais, ioi 

Ragusa, Archbishop of, 48 

Raleigh, Walter, 203, 204 

Raphael of Urbino, 63, 99, 102, 103, 105, 116, 119, 120, 121, 150, 220, 

244 
Ravenna, 40, 78, 87, 92, 9S> 103 
Reggio, 14, 87 
Rhodes, 221 

Riario, Cardinal, 100, loi 
Rimini, 34, 43, 67, 78, 93, 94, 95, 135 
Romagna, 34, 35, 40, 43, 56, 76, 78, 81, 82, 93 
294 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Romano, Giovanni Cristoforo, 19, 61, 206, 219, 220 
„ Giulio, 144, 153, 196 

Rome, 22, 37, 38, 50, 51, 54, 56, 60, Ti, 88, 89, 93, 95, 98, 106, 108, 109, 
no, 117, 119, 125, 126, 128, 135, 136, 141, 142, 143, 145, 154, 157, 
161, 164, 167, 168, 175, 176, 177, 179, 181, 183, 187, 192, 222, 235, 
258, 266, 269 

Ruiz, Franceso, 193 

Russi, 78 

Sabines, 258 

Sackville, Thomas, 203, 204 

Sadoleto, 99, loi, i88 

Saguntum, 258 

Salviati, Cardinal, 155, 156, 184 

San Giovanni, 173 

San Jacopo di Gallicia, 157 

San Leo, 60, 93, no 

Sansecondo, Giacomo, 235 

Sanseverino, Galeazzo, 214 

Santa Maria dalle Grazie, near Mantua, 196 

Santi, Giovanni, 14 

Sappho, 257 

Saragossa, 156 

Sardanapalus, 261 

Savile, Sir George, 203 

Savoy, Filiberta of, 108, 109 

Scaldasole, Ippohta, 158 

Schinner, Cardinal, 93 

Schomberg, Niccolo, 154 

Scio, 258 

Scipio, 217, 232 

Serafino, Fra, 207, 209 

Semiramis, 261 

Sestola, Girolama da, 13 

Sessa, Duke of, x6i, 167, 170 

Seville, 166 

Sforza, Ascanio, 22, 30 

„ Camilla, 30 

„ Catarina, 212 (note) 

„ Francesco, Duke of Milan, 4, 29, 135, 136, 154, 161, 162, 165 

„ Giovanni of Pesaro, 1 1 

29s 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

Sforza, Lodovico, i6, 17, 20, 22, 24, 25, 38, 30, 33, 34, 66, 96 

„ Massimiliano, 29, 96 
Shakespeare, 202 
Shelley, 201 
Sidney, Sir Philip, 201 
Siena, 54, 175, 236 

„ Catherine of, 278 
Sinigaglia, 90 

Socrates, 217, 218, 234, 253, 274, 277 
Spain, 25, 52, 151, 152, 153, 156, 159, i6r, 166, 167, 170, 179, 192, 195 

„ Queen Isabel of, 52, 259, 260, 263 
Spenser, 201, 274 
Statins, 19 

Stefano, Giovanni, 17 

Strozzi, Tommaso, brother-in-law of Castiglione, 43, 44, 51, 63, 82, 90, 
113, 143 
„ Uberto, nephew of Castiglione, 140, 143 
Sibyls, 257 

Sultan, the, 30, 79, 169 
Susa, 155 
Sylla, 217 
Symonds, Addington, 204 

Tacitus, ioi 

Tasso, Torquato, 203 

Tebaldeo, Antonio, 13 

Theodolinda, Queen of the Lombards, 258 

Theodora, Empress of Greece, 258 

Theseus, 232 

Thomiris, Queen of Scythia, 261 

Tiber, 103, 105, 258 

Tibullus, 19, 198 

Ticino, River, 22, 147 

Titian, 2, 145, 146 

Titus, Livius, 7, loi 

Toledo, 157, 162, 166, 182, 195 

Torelli, Count Guido, 112 

„ Ippolita. {See Castiglione) 
Toro, River, 26 
Transylvania, 170 
Trdmouille, La, 37, 38, 154 

296 



OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE 

Trivulzio, 32, 84, 87 
Turchi, Ercole, 197 
Turks, 157, 167, 168, 169, 182 
Tyrol, 30 

Uberti, Lodovico, 77 

Urbino, Elisabetta Gonzaga, Duchess of, 8, 9, 10, ir, 12, 14, 35, 39, 47, 

48, 55, 57, 59, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 79, 80, 109, no, 112, 113, 

1 14, 125, 129, 163, 164, 192, 205, 208, 209, 222, 223, 231, 235, 

240, 264, 273, 278, 279 
„ Frederico, Duke of, 6, 9, 54, 207, 208, 236, 269 
„ Francesco Maria, Duke of, 42, 48, 52, 66, 69, 70, 71, 72, 75, 76, 

80, 82, 87, 88, 89, 90, 93-99, 108-116, 125, 128, 129, 133, 

135, 142, 146, 172, 173, 175, "^n^ 187, 191, 205, 222, 223, 

226, 240, 245, 266 
„ Guidobaldo, Duke of, 9, 10, 11, 35, 36, 39, 40, 41, 42, 48, 49, 

50, 53, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 190, 

208, 266 
„ Leonora Gonzaga, Duchess of, 52, 72, 79, 80, 81, no 
„ Duchy of, ID, 14, 34, 35, 39, 57, 58, 61, 65, 66, 67, 69, 71, 78, 

88, 89, 92, 93, no, ni, 128, 133, 192, 266 
„ Court and Palace of, 1 1, 35, 40, 47, 49, 50, 56, 57, 58, 60, 99, 

106, 191, 209-279 



Val d'Arno, 60 
Valdez, Alfonso de, 187 

„ Juan de, 187 
Valerianus, loi 
Valladolid, 182, 183 
Venice, n, 25, 30, 34, 35, 40, 50, 67, 76, 79, 81, n3, 146, 147, 165, 173, 

182, 200 
Vercelli, 197 
Verona, 78, 127, 179 
Vicenza, 78 
Vidana, Pietro di, 6 
Vigevano, 24, 36 
Vigilio, Francesco, 7 
Vinci, Leonardo da, 18, 19, 23 
Virgil, 6, 7, 19, 68, 104, 194, 198 
Visconti, Filippo, 225 

297 



COURTS AND CAMPS 

Visconti, Gaspare, i8, 23 

Viseo, Bishop of, Michel de Silva, 19, 190 

Viterbo, 176 

Volterra, Marius da, 242 

Vulcan, 267 

Worms, Diet of, 171 

Xenophon, 19, 217 

Zenobia, 261 
Zeuxis, 221 



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